How you can be compensated for judges’ abuse of power upon informing and outraging the public concerning it and forming local chapters of a national movement for judicial abuse exposure, compensation, and reform

By

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
To subscribe go to <left panel ↓Register   or   + New   or   Users   >Add New.

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , CorderoRic@yahoo.com

Abstract: This article describes:

a. a pattern of abuse of power in which unaccountable judges engage risklessly in coordination with each other to grab material gain and increase their convenience, so that their unaccountability allows them to run their judiciary as the safe haven of a racketeering enterprise;

b. the connivance between judges and the politicians who in their own interest put them on the bench and hold them there unaccountable, and how you and the rest of voters can expose it during the 2020 campaign; and

c. how you can contribute to exposing their abuse and connivance by sharing and publishing this information, thereby causing such outrage that you spark a generalized media investigation and a joining of forces that leads to unprecedented citizen hearings and to holding judges and their judiciaries accountable and liable to compensate the victims of their abuse.

For you and others to have a chance of being compensated for judges’ abuse of power, help to inform the national public about it and outrage the public at judges by making this article go viral:

Share and post it to social media, and
distribute its link as widely as possible:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_inform_outrage_be_compensated.pdf

A. Sen. E. Warren’s daring denunciation of judges’ self-enrichment

1. Sen. Elizabeth Warren has dare denounce federal judges’ abusive self-enrichment(>OL2:1020): They fail to recuse themselves from cases where they hold shares in one of the parties before them and resolve that conflict of interests in their favor so as to protect or increase the value of their shares. She has identified their unaccountability as the reason why they abuse their power in order to self-enrich: The unaccountable run no risk.

2. Sen. Warren has “a plan for that too”: She would cause the adoption of legislation to hold judges accountable for their self-enrichment through abuse of power(>OL2:998).

3. Such abusive self-enrichment by judges involves necessarily their commission of crimes, e.g., concealment of assets, tax evasion, money laundering, fraud, and breach of trust.

The materials corresponding to the(* >blue footnote-equivalent references) are found in the professional study* of judges and their judiciaries, titled and downloadable thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Abuse of Power:
Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting*

* Volume 1: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >all prefixes:page# up to prefix OL:page393

Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf >from page OL2:394

a. Download the volume files using MS Edge, Firefox, or Chrome; it may happen that Internet Explorer only downloads a blank page.

b. Open the downloaded files using Adobe Acrobat Reader, which is available for free at https://acrobat.adobe.com/us/en/acrobat/pdf-reader.html.

c. In each downloaded file, go to the Menu bar >View >Navigation Panels >Bookmarks panel and use its bookmarks, which make navigating to the contents’ numerous(* >blue references) very easy.

B. The House hearings on sexual harassment by federal judges

4. The House of Representatives Courts Subcommittee held a hearing on “Protecting Federal Judiciary Employees from Sexual Harassment, Discrimination, and Other Workplace Misconduct” on February 13, 2020. The articles thereon by National Law Journal reporter Jacqueline Thomsen, jathomsen@alm.com, are quite revealing and disturbing. She wrote:

Rep. Hank Johnson, the chairman of the courts subcommittee, said in a statement after the hearing that the testimony of Olivia Warren [who clerked in 2017-2018 for, and was sexually harassed by, the late U.S. Judge Stephen Reinhardt of the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals] reminded lawmakers “of what we have long known is a problem—that systemic harassment, discrimination, and abuses of power are entrenched in our federal court system”.

5. Federal judges’ entrenchment in power is indisputable: In the last 231 years since the creation of the Federal Judiciary in 1789, the number of their peers impeached and removed is 8!(*>jur:22fn14) Once a judicial candidate is confirmed, he or she can do whatever they want.

a. This includes harassing court and law clerks, who work at judges’ pleasure and can be fired without recourse at anytime (jur:30§1) or depend on the recommendation of the judges for whom they clerk to obtain their first job after law school and their clerkship and are muzzled by an abusive ‘confidentiality agreement’(>OL2:745).

6. The self-enrichment denounced by Sen. Warren and ‘the entrenched abuse of power’ recognized by Rep. Johnson underlie a pattern of racketeering criminalized under 18 U.S.C. §1961(5).

C. How an article can set off the implementation of the inform and outrage strategy; and the motivator of compensation for the abused suffered

7. Judges rely on their unaccountability to engage also in other forms of abuse of power where they do not act separately as individual rogues, but rather operate in coordination(*>jur:88§§a-c) with each other for their gain and convenience(*>OL:173¶93). These forms show that judges run the Federal Judiciary as a racketeering enterprise(>OL2:1051).

8. The initial exposure of any of these forms of coordinated abuse –e.g., in an article or news segment appearing nationally– can generate among media outlets competitive, commercial, and reputational pressures to jump on ‘the investigative bandwagon’ aimed to Follow the money!(*>OL:1, 194§E); increase their respective audience and revenue –scandal sells–; and win Pulitzer prizes.

a. This prospect is supported by reliable and repeatable precedent: The complaint of the whistleblower set off the generalized media investigation into the Ukrainian scandal that led to the impeachment and trial of President Trump(OL2:1048§B).

9. By informing parties to lawsuits and the rest of the public about judges’ abuse of power, they can be so outraged that those(*>OL:276§C) who had or have a case before the same judge or must file their case in the same court will heed the rallying cry to join forces to demand compensation for the abused suffered.

10. The prospect of being compensated for the abuse suffered or avoiding suffering it is reasonably calculated to be the most potent motivator for an informed and outraged public to join forces to hold judges accountable and liable for their abuse.

D. Forms of coordinated abuse of power constituting a pattern of racketeering and revealing a judiciary run as a racketeering enterprise

11. Judges’ mandatory annual financial disclosure reports(*>jur:102§a), pro forma filed with, and approved by, other judges. These reports are public documents so that they are filed with false and misleading information to conceal judges’ assets and their unlawful origin(jur:105fn213);

12. Judges’ bankruptcy fraud scheme(>OL2:614). It involves annually hundreds of thousands of bankruptcy cases -776,674 in the 1oct18-30sep19 fiscal year- and $100s of billions in controversy between creditors and debtors(jur:27§2).

a.This scheme involves not only judges, but also bankruptcy professionals(jur:81fn169), who are insiders of the legal and bankruptcy system, including “attorneys, accountants, appraisers, auctioneers, or other professional persons”, such as warehousers, bankers, bankruptcy form fillers, etc. They work in coordination to prey easily on bankrupts, most of whom cannot afford an attorney, appear without one, and are wiped out!(jur:43fn65)

13. Judges’ failure to read the vast majority of briefs. This is demonstrated by ‘the math of abuse’(>OL2:608§A) and the analysis of official statistics(OL2:457§D; 847). Judges dump out of their caseloads the corresponding cases and motions by having their clerks fill out dumping forms: unresearched, without any discussion of the facts and the law, let alone any reasoning, and with only one blank for one operative word: “affirmed” or “denied”(OL2:1024¶16).

a. Dumping forms are meaningless even to the parties, never mind anybody else doing research for precedential guidance. They show judges’ contempt for the rule of law and its foundational principle: “Justice should not only be done, but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seen to be done”(*>jur:44¶83). Justice can only be seen in the doing of the chain:

1) statement of facts

2) >legal question in controversy

3) >applicable law

4) >reasoned application of law to facts

5)  >legal conclusion

6) >decision of what party gets what in controversy.

b. Dumping forms only make the parties and everybody else hear abusive judges shout arbitrary, fiat-like orders “because we say so!”(*>jur:43§1)

c. Through the use of dumping forms, judges render wasteful the $1Ks and even $10Ks(>OL2:760§A) that each party must invest in producing the brief required in support of its case or each motion, as well as the effort and time, which have an economic, compensable value, that even parties not represented by lawyers, i.e., pro ses, must invest in producing their brief themselves. This warrants pro ses and represented parties joining forces to demand compensation, such as:

1) the refund of court filing fees;

2) compensation for the waste of unread briefs;

3) punitive damages for the fraud of judges pretending that their decision on the case or motion in question was based “Upon the papers submitted and the applicable law…”, and

4) guarantees that their briefs will be read and their cases and motions decided in reasoned decisions written by judges –not by clerks lacking judicial power and discretionary leeway– that allow the parties and everybody else ‘to see that justice was done’.

14. Judges’ abuse of pro ses. From the moment a pro se case is filed -hence before any judge or clerk has bothered to ascertain its nature and gravity-, judges(>OL2:932¶3) apply the official policy of weighting it as only one third of a case(OL2:455§B). This means that judges:

a. are authorized to spend on a pro se case only one third of the effort and time, and court resources that they spend on the average case, weighted as one, of a represented case(>OL2:420¶6);

b. are expected not to ‘waste’ more than a third;

c. nevertheless require pro ses to pay the same fees and produce the same briefs as they require of represented parties; thereby

d. deny pro ses the equal protection of the law; and

e. deprive them of due process by not notifying them that their cases will be contemptuously dumped and not giving them opportunity to protest.

15. Judges’ abuse of their self-disciplining authority granted them by Congress. They dismiss 100% of complaints against them, which must be filed with them(*>jur:21§a), and deny 100% of petitions to review those dismissals(jur:10-14; >OL2:548, 748, 918). Thereby judges abusively self-ensure their unaccountability and breach the trust placed on them by We the People through ‘their representatives in Congress assembled’.

a. The 2019 Annual Report of the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts(AO; *>jur:21fn10) has just been released. Its Tables 10 and S-22 show that although in that fiscal year 1,412 complaints against federal judges were filed under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980, 28 U.S.C. §§351-364, 51 more than in the previous fiscal year, the judges took remedial action upon only 2 complaints! This represents only 1 more such action than in the previous year. Not a single judge was reported as having been admonished or censured privately, let alone publicly. Every judge complained-against got off scot free.
https://www.uscourts.gov/statistics/table/s-22/judicial-business/2019/09/30

b. Only 10 special committees were appointed to investigate complaints. If for the sake of comparison, they are apportioned to the 1,412 complaints filed that year, this means that only in 7 tenths of 1 percent of complaints was such a committee appointed; or conversely, that the chief judges of the several circuits, who are the first ones to examine complaints filed in their respective circuits, dismissed 99.3% of complaints out of hand without any investigation by a special investigative committee.

c. By so doing, the chief judges systematically disregarded the injunction issued under §352(a): “The chief judge shall not undertake to make findings of fact about any matter that is reasonably in dispute.” It is beyond reasonable doubt impossible that in 1,402 out of 1,412 complaints there was no “matter reasonably in dispute” that would have required a fair and impartial chief judge to appoint a committee rather than make a biased determination in favor of his or her complained-against peer, colleague, or friend, to justify complaint dismissal. What a complaint-processing sham!

d. Yet, AO and the pertinent committees on such complaints(>OL2:796) held a public hearing on October 30, 2018, at the instigation of Supreme Court Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr.(OL2:642¶1, 645) precisely for the purpose of amending the rules for processing those complaints so as to render complaining against federal judges more effective(OL2:774-791).

e. However, the facts show that the judges never intended to hold each other accountable at all(>OL2:791¶3, 694¶12). Instead, they hold fast to their complicit reciprocal complaint dismissal agreement whereby they mutually ensure their survival(OL2:793g).

f. Just as judges had done before amending those rules in 1986, 2000, 2008, and 2015(OL2:1057¶¶11-12), in 2018, they only held another sham hearing(OL2:1058§C). Their conduct exhibits an undeniable pattern of abuse of power in their favor, with gross disregard of the detriment to complainants, left uncompensated and at the mercy of judges with fearsome power of retaliation(*>Lsch:17§C; *>OL:267§4).

16. Judges’ pervasive secrecy. Judges hold all their administrative, policy-making, adjudicative, and disciplinary meetings behind closed doors and refuse to hold press conferences, never mind take questions from a pool of journalists(*>jur:27§e). Their secrecy enables their coordination of abuse. It betrays Justice Brandeis’s dictum “Sunlight is the best disinfectant”(jur:158¶350b)…because being seen transparently out in the open combats the mold of corruption that secrecy breeds in darkness.

17. Judges’ interception of the mail and emails of the public in order to detect and suppress those of their critics(>OL2:781, 885, 889-913, 929). The exposure of this form of abuse can provoke the most intense(OL2:996§2) scandal as it affects the largest segment of the public and We the People’s most cherished rights, to wit, those that We guaranteed for ourselves under our Constitution’s 1st Amendment: “freedom of speech, of the press, the right of the people peaceably to assemble [on the Internet too], and to petition the Government [of which judges constitute the Third Branch] for a redress of grievances”(*>jur:22fn12b).

E. Politicians-judges connivance v. an informed and outraged We the voting People

18. As admitted by Rep. Johnson(supra ¶1), ‘we, the politicians, have long known…that judges are entrenched and abuse their power’. Politicians cannot be reasonably expected to turn in an effective way against their partners in abuse of power(jur:77§§5-6). Their connivance is shown by Chief Justice Roberts’ disregard of “traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice” at the impeachment trial in the Senate(OL2:1045, 1049¶8).

19. Politicians(*>jur:77§§5-6) recommended, endorsed, nominated, and confirmed judicial candidates to justiceships and judgeships and protect them as ‘our men and women on the bench’ by holding them unaccountable; they too have no regard for the harm to We the People that they leave unprotected.

20. In their courts, judges exonerate each other from complaints. As a result, their abuse of power has no downside, only the upside of gain and convenience. On their own initiative, they are not going to bring about effective judicial reform.

a. Allowing an abusive judge to resign and keep his pension without having to compensate his victims, let alone being tried on criminal charges, is not effective accountability. It is only an instance of their reciprocal exoneration from complaints and granting of pardons in effect; and their unequal protection from the law(jur:88§§a-c) by their political appointers: They are Judges Above the Law.

b. This is shown by former 9th Circuit Chief Judge Alex Kozinski, who simply resigned after decades of harassing court/law clerks and others(>OL2:645¶1); and by Sen. Warren’s unrealistic proposal for charging with holding judges accountable –only, but no mention of also liable to compensate their victims– the very same politicians and judges who have always held them unaccountable!(OL2:998)

21. By contrast, the People can assert their status as the sovereign source of all political power and masters of all public servants, including judicial public servant. As such, they can force reform that enables them to hold judges and their judiciaries accountable for their performance and liable to compensate the victims of their abuse. That is how judges hold malpractising doctors and their hospitals, lawyers and their law firms, police officers and their departments, pedophilic priests and their churches, etc.: accountable and liable(OL2:1048¶4). Judges should be too, for Everybody is Equal Before the Law.

22. The People are in the strongest position so to hold judges during a presidential campaign, when politicians must appear to be sensitive and responsive to their outrage and demands. To enable them to take advantage of their current position is the objective of the out-of-court inform and outrage strategy(>OL2:1037): To inform the People about, and so outrage them at, judges’ abuse of power that they are stirred up to force politicians to take a stand on the issue and face the consequences at the polls.

23. This is a reasonably calculated strategy given that the People can be informed(>OL2:1016§1) about abuse committed even by the Supreme Court justices now and when they were lower court judges(*>jur:65§§1-4). As circuit justices of the circuit to which they are allotted(jur:26fn23a), they learn about the abuse of their former peers and other judges and cover for them. The People can be outraged at justices and judges running the Federal Judiciary, the model for its state counterparts, as a racketeering enterprise(OL2:1014).

a. There is precedent for a justice being forced to resign without even being impeached: Justice Abe Fortas withdrew his name from the nomination to the chief justiceship but still resigned on May 14, 1969, due to the public outrage that his “appearance of impropriety”(*>jur:68fn123a) had provoked(jur:92§d).

F. An article that sparks investigation, unprecedented citizen hearings, a conference, and the insertion of the issue in national politics

24. The publication of one(>OL2:760, 781, 614) or a series(OL2:719§C) of articles can spark a generalized media investigation into judges’ abuse of power(OL2:876). This is realistically based on the precedent of the MeToo! movement(OL2:1032): It was prompted by the publication by The New York Times and The New Yorker on October 5 and 10, 2017, respectively, of their exposés of Harvey Weinstein’s sexual predation(OL2:1032).

25. The article(s) can go viral by being shared with friends, family, and associates, and posted to social media as widely as possible by:

a. Advocates of Honest Judiciaries;

b. parties to lawsuits;

c. judges(>OL2:607, 613, 807) and court/law clerks acting either openly or as confidential informants or whistleblowers(OL2:1014);

d. lawyers(OL2:841);

e. professors(OL2:773, 808, 973);

f. students(OL2:971), such as those at law(OL2:982), journalism(*>Lsch:23), business(OL2:1024§C), and Information Technology(OL2:846) schools;

g. journalists(OL2:984, 995); etc.

26. All of them can participate as investigators or their sources. To strengthen their participation, they can call for unprecedented citizen hearings. These hearings can be held at universities and media outlets(OL2:1046¶8, 1056¶4, 1066); conducted by professors, journalists, and other experts; and nationally broadcast life through interactive multimedia so that people can inexpensively from wherever they are testify to abuse committed by judges that they have suffered or witnessed.

27. The findings of the citizen hearings can be presented at the first-ever and national conference on judicial abuse of power exposure and compensation of abusees, held at a top university.

28. The article(s), citizen hearings, and the conference can so inform and outrage the People as to insert the issue of judges’ abuse in our national politics and discourse(>OL2:938). This will pave the way for eventual effective judicial reform by the People:

a. In the interest of giving themselves ‘government by the rule of law’(*>OL:5fn6), ‘the People giveth power in trust to judges for them to apply the law; and the People taketh it back from them upon being informed that judges have outrageously breached the trust to ‘embezzle’ that power for their own gain and convenience’. The grant of power is transient.

29. Through your participation in implementing the inform and outrage strategy(OL2:1047§A), you can cause one or more justices, even the whole Supreme Court, to resign(OL2:1050§D), or expose “the appearance of impropriety”(*>jur:68fn123a) of so many justices and judges as to reasonably conclude that they have institutionalized their abuse of power through coordination that has made them members of a racketeering enterprise. The ensuing institutional crisis can far surpass the consequences of the Watergate scandal(jur:4¶10-14), for it can bring down, not just a top officer and ‘All his men’, but rather the Judiciary as a branch.

30. Unaccountability allows power to “corrupt absolutely”(*>jur27fn28). Only after full exposure of the nature, extent, and gravity of the racketeering of judges and their judiciaries, can judicial reform that today is deemed inconceivable become unavoidable.

31. If you Dare!(>OL2:1003) participate, you can earn one or many rewards(*>OL:3§F). Among them are writing a bestseller(jur:4¶13), being played in a blockbuster movie or documentary(OL2:879), winning a Pulitzer that opens the doors to working in a position or for an entity that is more prestigious, and even the loftiest and longest-lasting of all: being recognized by We the People of the World as a historic agent of transformative change, who turned the millennial impossible(OL2:1069§E) of holding judges accountable and liable into a democratic right and a reality here and abroad(OL2:1037§1).

G. Offer of a presentation

32. I offer to present via video conference this article to you and your peers, professors and students, and other guests. I will present the following actions(OL2:978§E) in which you all can participate:

a. sharing this article and posting it to social media widely so that it may go viral and inform the most people about, and outrage them at, the above-described forms of judges’ coordinated abuse of power through which they run their judiciary as a racketeering enterprise;

b. publishing one or a series of my articles;

c. investigating with academic researchers and journalists the forms of judges’ abuse of power;

d. pioneering citizen hearings thereon held at, and by the staff of, universities and media outlets;

e. holding the first-ever and international conference on judges’ abuse of power to present the findings of the citizen hearings and the investigations;

f. sponsoring a tour of presentations nationwide to inform, outrage, and promote the formation of the single issue civic movement for judicial abuse exposure, compensation, and reform;

g. forming the movement’s local chapters of parties joining forces to demand compensation;

h. promoting the offering by law school clinics, lawyers, and law firms of assistance to local chapters and individuals seeking compensation for the harm that judges have caused them;

i. establishing a multidisciplinary academic and business center(jur:119§§1, 5) attached to, and sponsored by, a university, media outlet, think tank, or public interest entity, and dedicated to “Pioneering the news and publishing field of judicial unaccountability reporting”.

33. To decide whether to organize(OL2:945) such presentation you may watch my video together with its supporting slides(>OL2:958) by means of these links:

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_video.mp4

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_slides.pdf

34. Thereafter you can share this article and use the contact information below to discuss with me the terms and conditions of the presentation and its scheduling.

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_inform_outrage_be_compensated.pdf

H. Every meaningful cause needs resources for its advancement; none can be continued, let alone advanced, without money

35. There is easy-to-follow advice for forming(*>OL:276§C) a local chapter of parties with cases before the same judge or in the same court(>OL2:1071§H). By putting it into practice, you can participate in not only the implementation of the out-of-court inform and outrage strategy(OL2:1037), but also the formation of a national, single issue, apolitical civic movement for judicial abuse exposure, compensation of victims, and reform(OL2:1032).

36. Forming that movement is a key objective of Judicial Discipline Reform(>OL2:1061§A). It:

a. conducts professional law research and writing, and strategic thinking(>OL2:924, 941, 953);

b. produced the study* of judges and their judiciaries(supra ¶3);

c. made a video with supporting slides(supra ¶33);

d. has sent hundreds of thousands of emails, including to hundreds of yahoo- and google- groups, to share its articles on judicial abuse of power exposure, compensation, and reform;

e. runs the website at http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, which has attracted so many visitors and impressed them so positively that 31,062 and counting have become subscribers as of April 15, 2020(>OL2:Appendix 3). You can subscribe to the website by going to it and then to <left panel ↓Register or + New   or   Users   >Add New; etc.

37. To implement its strategy(OL2:1001) Judicial Discipline Reform has a program of actions for supporters to participate in(>OL2:978§E) as well as a business plan to finance them(OL2:1022), which is guided by the principle: Making Money While Doing Justice.

38. The plan envisages the enhancement(*>OL:42) of the website from an informational outlet into:

a. a clearinghouse for complaints(supra ¶15; >OL2:918) about judges that anybody can upload;

b. a research center for auditing(*>OL:274-280, 304-307) many decisions, complaints, and other writings in search of(*>jur:131§b; OL:255) the most persuasive type of evidence, i.e., patterns(>OL2:792§A), trends(OL2:455§§B, D), and schemes(OL2:614, 929) of abuse of power.

Put your money
where your outrage at abuse and
passion for justice are.

DONATE
through

PayPal
https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=HBFP5252TB5YJ

or at

the GoFundMe campaign at
https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

  1. I look forward to hearing from you. Meanwhile, you may share this article with your peers, associates, and guests to the presentation; post it to social media; and distribute its link as widely as possible:

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_inform_outrage_be_compensated.pdf

Dare trigger history!(>OL2:1003)…and you may enter it.
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
2165 Bruckner Blvd.
Bronx, NY 10472-6505
         http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
tel. +1(718)827-9521

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, CorderoRic@yahoo.com

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line of your email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses.
* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

© 2020 Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.  All rights reserved.
**********************************

The rewards of exposing unaccountable judges’ abusive self-enrichment, denounced by Sen. E. Warren in her “plan for the Judiciary”, and other forms of their abuse of power, by the media and academics publishing, investigating, and holding unprecedented citizen hearings

By

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , CorderoRic@yahoo.com

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-media.pdf

Dear Journalists, professors and students, politicians, and Advocates of Honest Judiciaries,

I would like to submit to your and your colleagues’ consideration this proposal for:

A. The publication of one(e.g., >OL2:760, 781, 1040) or a series(>OL2:719§C) of my articles:

1. analyzing Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s “plan for that too”, namely, to hold judges accountable for self-enrichment by failing to recuse themselves when they have conflicts of interests due to their holding shares in one of the parties before them and instead resolving the conflicts in that party’s and their own favor. If elected, Sen. Warren plans to have legislation adopted to hold judges accountable for abusively enriching themselves(>OL2:998). Self-enrichment through abuse of power entails concealment of assets, tax evasion, and money laundering(>OL2:949);

* The materials corresponding to the(* >blue footnote-like references) are found in my professional two-volume study of judges and their judiciaries. The study is titled and downloadable thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Abuse of Power:

Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting
*

* Volume 1:  http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >all prefixes:page# up to prefix OL:page393

Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf >from page OL2:394

a. Open the downloaded files using Adobe Acrobat Reader, which is available for free at https://acrobat.adobe.com/us/en/acrobat/pdf-reader.html.

b. In each downloaded file, go to the Menu bar >View >Navigation Panels >Bookmarks panel and use its bookmarks, which make navigating to the contents’ numerous(* >blue footnote-like references) very easy.

2. showing through “the math of abuse”(>OL2:608§A) and official statistics(OL2:457§§B, D) that judges do not read the vast majority of briefs that they require parties to file in support of any case or motion.

a. A brief costs each party $1Ks and even $10Ks to research, discover evidence, write, compile the record of evidentiary documents, print, file, and serve.

b. Yet, judges have their clerks(>OL2:1025¶15) dump the corresponding case or motion out of their caseload by applying categories of dumpable cases and motions(OL2:762¶¶14-15, 981¶18d) and rubberstamping in the clerk of court’s name a 5¢ dumping form. The latter contains an unresearched, arbitrary, fiat-like order without any discussion of the facts and the law, let alone any reasoning, and with only a blank to be filled in with “affirmed” or “denied”(OL2:1024¶16). Hence, they are meaningless even to the parties, never mind anybody else.

c. Moreover, those orders are fraudulent, for they take no notice of the only section of the brief that matters to the party filing it and for which the court asks for and receives filing fees: the “Relief Requested”. Through the items therein the party asks the court to solve the controversy with the opposing party and for which it pays the court’s filing fees. But the clerks could not care less, for the only task that they received from the judges is to dump as many cases and motions as possible. They will dump any appeal. “Next!” (>OL2:546¶¶4-6)

d. By contrast, a tiny minority of briefs of interest(OL2:1006¶2b.ii) to the judges benefit from their unequal protection: They are read and discussed in opinions with precedential value and reasoned decisions issued in the judges’ names and published for parties, judges, and journalists to cite and comment(OL2:760).

e. To verify the above statements, go to the websites of courts, particularly appellate ones, download a random sample of posted decisions, and analyze and compare them.

3. exposing judges’ dismissal of 100% of complaints against them and denial of 100% of petitions to review those dismissals(*>jur:10-14; >OL2:548, 748), whereby judges self-exonerate from all accountability.

a. Congress granted judges self-disciplining authority under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980(*>jur:24fn18a), which it passed for the protection of anybody with a complaint against them.

b. But judges have in effect abrogated the Act for the gain and convenience that they grab through their riskless abuse of power.

c. Congress is informed of judges’ handling of complaints in the Annual Report of the Director of the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts(OL2:1037¶6), who is an appointee of the Chief Justice.

d. Congress ‘saw something, but said nothing’. Its culpable indifference has been self-interested: to avoid retaliation(*>Lsch:17§C) by judges, who have a gang mentality(OL2:546¶¶1-3) and the power to hold executive orders(OL2:1028¶4), laws, and a legislative agenda unconstitutional(*>jur:23fn17; *>OL:267§4).

e. Congress allows judges to hold themselves unaccountable and become Judges Above the Law, the harm to the public and the rule of law notwithstanding;

4. asserting the equal protection right of victims of judges and their judiciaries to be compensated by them, just as are the victims of malpracticing doctors and their hospitals; lawyers and their law firms; pedophilic priests and their churches; police officers and their police departments; etc.

a. The formation is underway of local chapters of parties to cases before the same judge or in the same court to demand(>OL2:729) the refund of filing fees; compensation for wasteful briefs; and damages for the fraud of cashing in filing fees and alleging that cases and motions were decided based on the briefs even though they were not even read(OL2:953).

B. Joint investigations of timely stories in the context of the presidential campaign

5. The objective of the investigations is, not to pass judgment on the abuse of discretion by one or more judges(OL:193§D), but rather to expose to voters how unaccountable judges in connivance with politicians have coordinated their abuse into their judiciaries’ institutionalized modus operandi. The investigations can follow the abundant leads already gathered(*>OL:194§E). Their findings will inform voters as well as the rest of the public about, and outrage them at, judge’ criminal activities, such as:

6. Judges’ interception of people’s emails and mail(>OL2:995§B, 899) to detect and suppress those critical of their abuse(OL2:974§B, 930§C) will be the subject of the Follow the wire! investigation(jur:105§b).

a. This is potentially their most outrageous abuse of power, for it deprives We the People of our most cherished rights, namely, those guaranteed under the 1st Amendment to “freedom of speech, of the press, the right of the people peaceably to assemble [through the Internet and on social media too], and to petition the Government [of which judges are the third branch] for a redress of grievances”(OL2:792¶1). Its exposure can provoke graver outrage than did the revelation of NSA’s warrantless collection of scores of millions of calls’ metadata(OL2:996§2).

7. The Follow the Money! investigation(*>jur:102§a)can be patterned on the one conducted during the Watergate scandal(*>jur:4¶11; >OL2: 522¶d); and those revealed in the Offshore Leaks(*>OL:1) and the Panama Papers, and lead to the discovery of:

a. the money involved in judges’ self-enrichment denounced by Sen. Warren(supra ¶1a); and

b. the hundreds of billions of dollars(*>jur:27§2) involved in the bankruptcy fraud scheme(>OL2:614).

1) Judges, their cronies(*>jur:32§§2, 3), and other insiders(*>jur:81fn169) take advantage of millions of people facing the most disruptive and stressful financial situation: bankruptcy.

2) Bankrupts have hardly any money to pay a lawyer, the immense majority appear pro se to deal with the mind-boggling complexities of the Bankruptcy Code and the Federal Rules of Bankruptcy Procedure as they supplement the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, and the rules of the local bankruptcy court, and as a result are wiped out!(*>jur:28fn35, 43fn65a);

8. How the conduct of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and his approval or condonation of the conduct of senators during the impeachment trial of President Trump in the Senate can be:

a. invoked by defendants in federal and state cases on grounds of equal protection and due process of law to refuse the production of any witness and document, and assert an absolute privilege of CEOs and other principals to prevent their aides from being interrogated on their advice to them(>OL2:1040).

1) Defendants can argue that the President’s attorneys compared the House of Representatives’ impeaching a president to a prosecutor’s indicting before a grand jury a person on counts of having committed one or more crimes.

2) They argued that the House was supposed to conduct a full investigation, the equivalent of discovery, during the impeachment process, asking for all necessary documents, calling all possible witnesses, and even allowing the President to cross-examine them and call his own witnesses.

3) They contended that the House failed to do that before adopting the articles of impeachment. As a result, its managers were not entitled to call witnesses and request documents during the trial in the Senate. They were entitled only to make an opening statement to the senators and answer their questions, upon which the senators, acting as the jury, could vote on whether to convict and remove the President.

4) Equally, a criminal defendant would claim that what was deemed to be due process when trying the President should be so deemed in her case. Consequently, once the prosecutor concluded his case to the grand jury and the latter returned an indictment, the prosecutor could not call witnesses and documents at trial, and was limited to making an opening statement to the jury and answering the questions of jurors, after which the jury would deliberate and return a verdict(>OL2:1044¶25);

b. traced back to a quid pro quo: the Chief Justice disregarded “traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice”(>OL2:1041¶8), which commanded the production of witnesses and documents, and allowed the senators to do whatever they wanted in exchange for the senators continuing to hold judges unaccountable and allowing them 100% self-exoneration from complaints(supra ¶1c).

9. How the justices of the Supreme Court have engaged in abuse of power as principals and cover it as accessories(>OL2:950¶6b) and as circuit justices allotted to the several circuits(*>jur:26fn23a).

a. Justices and judges are well aware of the dire warning that all of them have written on their foreheads: “I know about your own abuse of power. So if you bring me down, I’ll take you with me!” That is how judges extort from each other complicit survival assistance.

b. You can contribute to launching these investigations by sharing this article with all your friends and family, posting it to social media, and emailing it repeatedly to the following blocs of journalists, presidential candidates, and professors, under the stated subject line. Copy one bloc at a time, paste it in the To: line of your email, and send it:

1) To: [journalists]

editors@time.com, NTotenberg@npr.org, MCoyle@alm.com, Sandra.Peddie@newsday.com, aturturro@alm.com, sarah.mimms@buzzfeed.com, newsthirteen@thirteen.org, matt.zapotosky@washpost.com, letters@washpost.com, expertanalysis@law360.com, frontline@pbs.org, viewermail@newshour.org, editor@newsday.com, dailybrief@huffpost.com, washingtonweek@pbs.org, tips@nypost.com, tips@theappeal.org, vaughan.smith@frontlineclub.com, jeanette.wells@thomsonreuters.com, jon.swaine@theguardian.com, joshua_benton@harvard.edu, amanda.arnold@nymag.com, amiller@newshour.org, benjamin.weller@newsday.com,

2) To: [presidential candidates]

“Donald J. Trump” <contact@action.gop.com> , Keepamericagreat@groups.io, Keepamericagreat+owner@groups.io, contact@action.gop.com,info@elizabethwarren.com,  info@joebiden.com, reply@workingfamilies.org, info@ourrevolution.com, us@ocasio2018.com, info@peteforamerica.com, mymanmert@gmail.com, Kucinich4President@yahoogroups.com,  Fernwoods@aol.com, hello@corybooker.com, info@kamalaharris.org,

3) To: [professors]

katyaln@law.georgetown.edu, mjh335@law.georgetown.edu, jg1861@law.georgetown.edu, gucomm@georgetown.edu, jturley@law.gwu.edu, lessig@law.harvard.edu, vdeportu@law.harvard.edu, dersh@law.harvard.edu, susan.rose-ackerman@yale.edu, judith.resnik@yale.edu, kelly.hernandez@yale.edu, jsnyder@gov.harvard.edu, bonnie.posick@yale.edu, ejanger@jd20.law.harvard.edu, RWHEELER@brookings.edu, cgeyh@indiana.edu, hello@lawyersdefendingdemocracy.org, jaimeestades@yahoo.com, rposner@uchicago.edu, eposner@uchicago.edu, bjwalker@uchicago.edu, alisonsiegler@uchicago.edu, knorcross@uchicago.edu, tmiles@law.uchicago.edu, javratin@uchicago.edu, dzarfes@uchicago.edu, wlandes@uclaw.uchicago.edu, kathryn.mammel@yale.edu, lise.cavallaro@yale.edu, abbe.gluck@yale.edu, Rebecca.stone@law.ucla.edu, james.geiser@troutman.com, srh90@georgetown.edu, cogolla@savannahlawschool.org,

4) Subject line:

Re: The rewards of exposing judges’ self-enrichment, denounced by Sen. Warren in her “plan”, and other forms of their abuse of power, by publishing, investigating, and holding unprecedented citizen hearings

C. Investing in Judicial Discipline Reform to enable its continued pursuit of judicial abuse exposure, compensation, and reform

10. The website at http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org has attracted numberless visitors and has exerted such strong appeal that it has turned 30,918 and counting(OL2:Appendix 3) into subscribers. This proof of public appeal makes it a sound business proposition:

a. to develop this free informational outlet into a for-profit interactive business that sells ads, services, and goods, as set forth in its business plan(OL2:1022); and

b. to finance the programmatic activities(>OL2:916§C, 978§E) to implement the out-of-court(OL2:1008§B) inform and outrage strategy for forming a national civic single issue movement for judicial abuse of power exposure, compensation, and reform(>OL2:1037).

D. Unprecedented citizens hearings and the electoral, commercial, and reputational rewards from exposing judges’ abuse

11. More than 50 million cases are filed in the state and federal courts annually(*>jur:8fn4,5), to which must be added the scores of millions of cases pending or deemed to have been decided wrongly or wrongfully. Parties sue and are sued separately and suffer abuse alone. They constitute the huge national untapped voting bloc of The Dissatisfied with the Judicial and Legal System.

12. The Dissatisfied can significantly increase the audience of a journalist and/or media outlet that recognize their existence and give them a voice. This is particularly so if the journalist and the outlet together with professors(>OL2:1045, 982, 971) and universities contribute to organizing the proposed unprecedented citizen hearings on judges’ abuse of power. Their findings can be discussed at a conference on judicial reform.

13. These citizen hearings are to be held by universities and media stations; moderated by professors, news anchors, investigative journalists, and other fraud and forensic experts; and broadcast on an interactive multimedia basis. The hearings will give the organizers access to a national audience that will hear or give testimony about judges’ abuse of power that witnesses have experienced or witnessed. Thus informed and outraged, the audience, in general, and voters, in particular, will demand that politicians call and hold official hearings and reform judicial accountability and liability meaningfully(*>jur:158§§6-8; cf. OL2:933¶6).

14. A principled or opportunistic but savvy presidential candidate(OL2:1011, 937) can attract The Dissatisfied by denouncing judges’ abuse, as did Sen. Warren(supra ¶1) at rallies, townhall meetings and interviews; seeking compensation for them through local chapters of abusees; and calling for congressional hearings. So can the candidate become their Champion of Justice(OL2:991, 1027).

15. Scandal sells copy. A scandal will be provoked by exposing how the politicians who recommended, endorsed, nominated, and confirmed judicial candidates and thereafter hold them unaccountable as ‘our men and women on the bench’ and allowed judges and their judiciaries to become a racketeering branch(OL2:999¶13).

16. The journalist and media outlet that scoop this scandal will be rewarded commercially and can reasonably expect to enhance their personal and professional names and even win a Pulitzer Prize(*>OL:3§F8).

17. A journalist and a media outlet can seek to turn one or more judges and their clerks into Whistleblower in the Judiciary, the equivalent of the whistleblowing officer in the Executive who launched the process of impeachment of President Trump(>OL2:1008). They and waiters, drivers, receptionists, etc., can become confidential informants(jur:106§c).

18. There is precedent for a Supreme Court justice being forced to resign without even being impeached: Justice Abe Fortas resigned on May 14, 1969, due to the public outrage that he caused as a result of his “appearance of impropriety”(*>jur:92§d). Could you end up writing a bestseller or portrayed in a blockbuster movie if you caused one or several justices, or even the whole Supreme Court to resign? You can become a transformative historic figure here and abroad.(>OL2:1008)

E. Every meaningful cause needs resources for its advancement; none can be continued, let alone advanced, without money

19. If you are interested in accountable and liable judges and their judiciaries, you may want to support Judicial Discipline Reform in its:

a. professional law research and writing, and strategic thinking(>OL2:445§B, 475§D); and

b. enhancement of this website at http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org into:

1) a clearinghouse for complaints(>OL2:918) about judges that anybody can upload; and

2) a research center for auditing(*>OL:274-280, 304-307) many complaints in search of(*>jur:131§b, *>OL:255) the most persuasive type of evidence, i.e., patterns(>OL2:792§A), trends(OL2:455§§B, D), and schemes(OL2:614, 929) of abuse of power, including judges’ filing of misleading mandatory annual financial disclosure reports(*>jur:102§a and fn. 213b) and the self-enrichment denounced by Sen. Warren(supra ¶1).

Put your money
where your outrage at abuse and
passion for justice are.

DONATE
through

PayPal

https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=HBFP5252TB5YJ

or

at the GoFundMe campaign at

https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

F. Offer of a presentation

20. I offer to present via video conference or in person this article to you and your colleagues. You may use the contact information below to reach me and discuss the presentation’s terms and conditions and its scheduling.

21. To decide whether to organize such presentation watch my video together with the slides(>OL2:958) using the following links:

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_video.mp4

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_slides.pdf

I look forward to hearing from you.

Dare trigger history!(>OL2:1003)…and you may enter it.
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-media_DARE.pdf

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
2165 Bruckner Blvd.
Bronx, NY 10472-6506
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Tel. (718)827-9521

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, Corderoric@yahoo.com

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line of your email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses.

* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

*************************************

Invoking in your own case as precedent the Chief Justice’s conduct at the impeachment trial and his determination of motions by applying “traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice” rather than Senate rules

By

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , CorderoRic@yahoo.com

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-parties_invoking_impeachment_trial.pdf

A. What is here not advocated; advocated; and the advocacy’s basis.

1. This article does not advocate the position of either party to the impeachment trial of President Donald Trump in the Senate, i.e., the House of Representatives’ managers prosecuting the impeachment articles or the President’s legal team that seeks to exonerate him from all charges therein.

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-parties_invoking_impeachment_trial.pdf

2. This article advocates “Equal Justice Under Law”. That is the principle inscribed on the frieze of the Supreme Court building. Its inscription there signifies that it is the principle that guides the justices’ administration of justice by applying the law equally to all persons. It is the corollary of another principle that expresses the essence of ‘a government, not of men and women, but by the rule of law’(*>OL:5fn6), which has been heard so frequently of late: Nobody is Above the Law.

3. The article advocates such equality in practical terms:

a. It shows how parties, whether represented by lawyers or appearing pro se, can argue that what the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court has done, approved, or condoned while presiding over the impeachment trial illustrates the conduct that his associate justices and the other federal and state judges whom they supervise can engage in when presiding over all other cases.

b. This is similar to relying on the federal rules of procedure and evidence, which have been incorporated almost word by word into all state laws. Their application by federal judges, in general, and the Supreme Court, in particular, establishes how due process ensures trial by the rule of law; and equal protection guarantees that Everybody is Equal Before the Law.

* This article is supported by the two-volume study* of judges and their judiciaries titled and downloadable as follows. That study contains the materials corresponding to the(* >footnote-like blue text references) herein:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Abuse of Power:
Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting
*

* Volume 1: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >all prefixes:page# up to prefix OL:page393

Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf >from page OL2:394

a. Open the downloaded files using Adobe Acrobat Reader, which is available for free at https://acrobat.adobe.com/us/en/acrobat/pdf-reader.html.

b. In each downloaded file, go to the Menu bar >View >Navigation Panels >Bookmarks panel and use its bookmarks, which make navigating to the contents’ numerous(* >blue footnote-like references) very easy.

B. The Chief’s conduct establishes what is fair and just for all other trials

4. If parties cannot invoke as precedent the conduct of the Chief Justice at the impeachment trial, then he has failed to “do impartial justice” to the President, which is what he swore the senators to do in the oath that he administered to them at the start of the trial.

5. If the Chief has treated him as being either above or ‘beneath’ the law, he has violated his own oath of office at 28 U.S. Code §453 [the Code of federal laws only](*>jur:53fn90), whereby he swore, as judicial officers must do, “to administer equal right to the poor [in knowledge, intelligence, and money] and to the rich [in prominence, judicial colleagues, and connections to VIPs outside the court]”.

6. The Chief has the duty to apply that oath, for the Constitution, Section 3, 5th Clause, provides thus:

The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.

7. This Clause identifies the proceeding over which the Chief is presiding as a trial. The fact that the entity empowered to conduct it is the Senate does not defeat the principle that was intended to be safeguarded by the adoption of the Constitution, namely, the rule of law and its equal application to all, by contrast to the will of the King of England expressed arbitrarily by fiat on a case by case basis even after the fact, except as curbed by the Magna Carta and British legal tradition.

8. The provision that “when the President…is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside” introduces the head of another ‘Power’, i.e., the Judiciary. The Constitution does not subject the Chief to the rules adopted for the trial by the Senate. The latter can adopt binding rules when it tries impeached officers other than the president, in which case the Constitution does not provide for any judge to be brought in to preside over the trial; yet, even those rules must comport with the rule of law.

9. When the Chief Justice is brought in to preside over the trial of an impeached President, he does not come in empty-handed to sit and watch the trial as merely a symbolic figure. Far from it, he comes in with something pertaining to the ‘Power’ that he represents, the Judiciary, and that he must apply to ensure the institutional protection of all courts as well as the equal treatment of all parties: “traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice”; cf. International Shoe Co. v. Washington, 326 U.S. 310 (1945).

10. Those notions extend far beyond the single issue of the exercise by a court of personal jurisdiction over a non-resident corporation. Rather, they reach all aspects of a trial that affect the trial’s very purpose: to apply due process to ensure equal justice under law.

C. Raising motions for the Chief Justice to decide unbound by Senate rules

11. In any court, a party can raise a motion of any nature requesting any relief; no rule requires that it first obtain the opposing party’s permission to do so. The opposing party’s remedy is to object to the motion and move for its dismissal; or object to the relief requested and move for its denial.

12. Likewise, during the impeachment trial, either party can submit to the Chief Justice any motion. In determining it, he is not bound by the rules adopted by the Senate for this trial. This accords with the principle that agreements between the parties to a trial are not binding on the court.

13. The justification for this is that an agreement may have been extracted from the weaker party by the party with stronger bargaining power or superior knowledge. The court must not allow itself to be turned into the stronger party’s enforcer.

14. A plea agreement reached by the prosecutor and the defendant or a settlement between civil parties does not bind the judge, who can reject or modify it in order to ensure that it comports with “traditional notions of fair play and substantial justice”.

15. In the Senate, there is always a party with superior power either because of its greater number of senators or because it can count with the tie-breaking vote of the vice-president of the U.S. in his capacity as president of the Senate.

16. As a result, it falls to the Chief Justice presiding over an impeachment trial to ensure that the rules adopted for the trial by the Senate are fair and just, rather than the result of unequal bargaining power and partisanship; and that the rules do not offend against those “traditional notions” developed by the Judiciary and applied to all its proceedings to ensure due process and guarantee equal protection of the law. The Chief must ensure this not only on motions raised by a party, but also on his own motion.

17. Since he is presiding at a trial, as a justice of the Supreme Court, and before a national audience, what he does and how he does it establishes a precedent for any party to invoke and for any court to take into consideration in its rulings.

18. Even if any Senate rule or voting provided that no subpoenas calling for witnesses or documents would issue, the Chief could apply those “traditional notions” to order their appearance or production so as to enable “equal justice to be done” not only by the senators, but also to the parties so as to enable each to present its case fairly and unhampered by overpowering partisanship.

19. The Senate majority could not afford to overturn every motion decision by the Chief, lest it appear ensuring a predetermined trial result. If a party made an en banc appeal to the Supreme Court, it would be for the Chief to decide whether the appeal lay, and if so, whether it would be interlocutory, with or without suspensive effect on the trial, or at the end of it. While these are uncharted waters, those “notions” provide the compass to arrive at answers to questions of first impression.

D. Claims of executive privilege made by the President

20. A claim of executive privilege issued by the head of the Executive branch will be incapable of preventing the production of witnesses or documents ordered by the Chief Justice, the head of a co-equal branch, the Judiciary, which has inherent powers for the conduct of its business.

21. The power of judges is so much stronger that one single district judge can hold unconstitutional a law that was researched, debated, and adopted by 535 members of Congress and enacted by the President. One district judge, J. James Robart, suspended nationwide the Muslim travel ban of the President, though he had campaigned on issuing it and received the votes of over 62.5 million people. Three circuit judges upheld the suspension nationwide.

22. If one judge can do so, the Chief can order witnesses and documents to be produced; and order federal marshals to take custody of that person or documents and bring them to the Senate, for “he who can do the most can do the lesser”.

23. If the President instructed the Executive not to comply with any Senate subpoena or any order of the Chief, he would lend credence to the impeachment article of obstruction of Congress and even render himself liable to the charge of contempt of court, cf. ‘obstruction of the Judiciary’. Such wholesale non-compliance would be fraught with dire consequences.

24. Not even President Nixon dare do that after the Supreme Court unanimously ordered him on July 24, 1974, to turn over the tapes that he had secretly recorded in the White House, which turned out to hold information incriminating him in the Watergate scandal. Nixon complied. The House began drafting articles of impeachment. The Senate was likely to convict and remove him. So Nixon resigned on August 8, 1974.

1. Judges’ closing ranks and retaliating out of their gang mentality

25. Defiance of all Chief Justice’s orders would be even more offensive than simply berating a federal judge: President Trump berated not only Judge Robart, but also U.S.D.J. Gonzalo Curiel, who was presiding over the Trump University case.

26. That prompted a most revealing comment by Then-Judge Neil Gorsuch as he made courtesy visits with the senators who had to confirm his nomination to the Supreme Court, even though thereupon the President could have withdrawn his nomination. Judge Gorsuch reportedly said, “An attack on one of our brothers and sisters of the robe is an attack on all of us”(>OL2:546¶1).

27. That comment reveals the gang mentality that drives judges to defend each other rather than a concern for determining impartially and objectively whether the judge’s conduct in question was legally or ethically right or respectful of the injunction in Canon 2 of the Code of Conduct of U.S. Judges to “avoid even the appearance of impropriety”(*>jur:68fn123a). No judge is going to defy the gang, which can ostracize him or her as a treacherous pariah.

28. If the President defied or berated the Chief Justice, judges would certainly close ranks behind their Chief and retaliate against the President in the pending cases that are very important to his administration or him personally.

29. Their retaliation(*>Lsch:17§C) may provoke(>OL2:1029¶1, §§C,D) the President to escalate his berating and even launch directly or indirectly an investigation of their self-enrichment through abuse of their power and unaccountability that Sen. Elizabeth Warren has dare denounced(OL2:998) and other forms of abuse(OL2:1039¶19).

30. An institutional crisis between the Judiciary and the Executive would ensue and aggravate the ongoing one between the Executive and Congress.

2. The Rules allow a witch hunt subject to admissibility of the witch

31. Since the President is the defendant at the trial for his removal from office, he faces a conflict of interests if he claims to issue the order of non-compliance as president. To allow him as party to decide what can be produced at his trial would set a precedent that any other party could invoke:

32. To begin with, Federal Rule of Civil Procedure (FRCP) 26(b) on “Discovery Scope and Limits” provides under “(1) Scope in General…Information within this scope of discovery need not be admissible in evidence to be discoverable”. This provision authorizes an evidentiary hunt which is known to have no courtroom accessible to its evidentiary catch.

33. In the same vein, a representation to the court is proper under FRCP 11 if “(b)(3) the factual contentions…will likely have evidentiary support after a reasonable opportunity for further investigation or discovery”.

34. In principle, everything is huntable, including the witch. The rules of procedure allow a disclosure and discovery fishing expedition; whether the catch of information becomes admissible evidence is determined subsequently, e.g., on a motion in limine before or during trial.

35. Compliance with the rules will become optional if the Chief Justice and the Senate uphold the President’s refusal to produce any witness or document.

E. How to invoke the impeachment trial in your own case

36. Up to now, the President has only issued a blanket order instructing all members of the Executive not to cooperate with the House impeachment inquiry by appearing to testify or producing requested documents. However, he has not formally invoked executive privilege.

37. But after the start of the impeachment trial, he tweeted that if the Senate issued subpoenas for witnesses and documents, he would claim executive privilege to prevent their appearance or production.

38. The Constitution does not expressly provide any executive privilege. Rather, it provides for three branches that exercise checks and balances on each other to prevent anyone from overpowering another, for instance, by frustrating Congress’s duty of oversight of the Executive. Its provision for impeaching and trying officers implies ‘all means’ “necessary and proper for its Execution” (Art 1, Sec. 8), e.g., finding facts through the issuance of subpoenas and orders of production.

39. If in spite of these features, the Chief Justice allows a Senate subpoena or his order of production to be defied by the President just as if the Chief denies a motion for such order, the Chief will establish a damaging precedent that any party will be entitled on equal protection grounds to invoke in its own case.

40. Any party will attempt to defeat any subpoena by asserting a boundless spousal, attorney/client, and priest/penitent privilege; and even craft its own privilege: A corporate chief executive could claim that her communications with her aides were privileged to ensure that they gave her candid advice without the chilling effect of the possibility of being compelled to disclose it.

41. Even more broadly, it would suffice to defeat a subpoena that its target self-servingly characterized the investigation underlying it as “a hoax”, “a witch hunt”, or “abuse of process”.

42. In the same vein, a criminal defendant could invoke the arguments made and conduct engaged in at the impeachment trial in the Senate with the approval or condonation of its presiding officer, the Chief Justice. Underpinning those arguments and conduct was the comparison by the President’s attorneys of the House of Representatives’ impeaching a president to a prosecutor’s indicting before a grand jury a person on counts of having committed one or more crimes.

a. The House was supposed to conduct a full investigation, the equivalent of discovery, during the impeachment process, asking for all necessary documents, calling all possible witnesses, and even allowing the President to cross-examine them and call his own witnesses.

b. The House failed to do that before adopting the articles of impeachment. As a result, its managers were not entitled to call witnesses and request documents during the trial in the Senate. They were allowed only to make an opening statement to the senators and answer their questions, upon which the senators, acting as the jury, voted on whether to convict and remove the President.

c. Likewise, a criminal defendant would claim on equal protection grounds that what was deemed to be due process when trying the President should be so deemed in her case. Consequently, once the prosecutor concluded his case to the grand jury and the latter returned an indictment, the prosecutor could not call witnesses and documents at trial, and was limited to making an opening statement to the jury and answering the questions of jurors, after which the jury would deliberate and return a verdict.

43. A party that moves to have a privilege so extended; such a characterization of an investigation upheld; and such an indictment process and trial applied to her case, can claim to be proceeding in good faith and to be shielded from sanctions under FRCP 11 –or state law, e.g., 22 NYCRR 130-1.1–: Its “(2) claims, defenses, and other legal contentions are warranted by existing law or by a nonfrivolous argument for extending, modifying, or reversing existing law or for establishing new law”.

44. The party’s motion will be “reasonable under the circumstances” since it will be based on what the Chief Justice did, approved, or condoned over the objections of the majority of members of Congress.

45. The fact that the trial was nationally televised warrants the reasonable expectation that his conduct would set a precedent for every party to invoke and every judge to follow on equal protection grounds.

46. A judge confronted with such a motion would either have to grant it; allow an interlocutory appeal; or certify a question to an appellate court, including the Supreme Court.

F. Presentation on judicial abuse exposure, compensation, and reform

47. I offer to present this article via video conference or in person to you and your group of guests. You may use the contact information below to reach me and discuss the presentation’s terms and conditions and its scheduling.

48. To decide whether to organize such presentation, you can review the following files, which you may share and post together with this article as widely and repeatedly as possible:

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_video.mp4

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_slides.pdf

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-parties_invoking_impeachment_trial.pdf

G. Judicial Discipline Reform’s pursuit of Equal Justice Under Law by exposing unaccountable judges’ riskless abuse of power

49. The judges of the Federal Judiciary, the only ones with a life appointment and national jurisdiction, as well as state judges, in general, have enormous power over We the People’s property, liberty, and all the rights and duties that frame our lives and shape our identities.

50. They are held unaccountable by themselves(>OL2:918, 792) and the politicians that put them on the bench. So they risklessly abuse their power for their gain and convenience(OL2:1039§E).

a. This contention has been unwittingly validated by Sen. Elizabeth Warren. She has dare denounce their self-enrichment through abuse of power. According to her, it is the result of their unaccountability. She “has a plan for that too: If elected, she will cause legislation to be passed to hold judges accountable for enriching themselves by abusing their power.”(OL2:998).

51. Judicial Discipline Reform pursues “Equal Justice Under Law” through the exposure of abuse of power by unaccountable judges who hold themselves to be Judges Above the Law. Its main means are:

a. its study* of judges and their judiciaries(supra ¶3.a);

b. its website at http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, which has attracted numberless visitors and motivated 30,912 and counting(>OL2:Appendix 3) to subscribe to it –on its homepage, go <left panel ↓Register
or  + New   or   Users   >Add New–;

c. its presentations(supra §F); and

d. the promotion of the publication of one (e.g., >OL2:998, 760, 781, 1040) and the syndication of a series(OL2:719§C) of articles in print or digital outlets.

52. To advance its pursuit it has developed its out-of-court inform and outrage strategy(>OL2:1037) to inform the public about, and so outrage it at, judges’ abuse as to stir it up to demand that politicians hold judges accountable for their performance and liable to compensate the victims of their abuse.

53. The strategy is implemented through concrete, reasonable, and feasible actions(>OL2:978§E).

54. Relying on the precedents of the Tea Party, the MeToo!(OL2:1033§B) movement, and the global ecological movement led by Greta Thunberg, it promotes the formation of a national civic single-issue movement for judicial abuse exposure(*>OL:194§E; >OL2:1015¶12), compensation of abusees(OL2:952¶5), and reform(*>jur:158§§6-8).

55. The movement’s core is formed by the huge(OL2:937¶1) untapped national voting bloc of The Dissatisfied with the Judicial and Legal System(OL2:952¶5).

H. Every meaningful cause needs resources for its advancement; none can be continued, let alone advanced, without money

Put your money
where your outrage at abuse and
passion for justice are.

DONATE
through

PayPal

https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=HBFP5252TB5YJ

or
at the GoFundMe campaign at

https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

Dare trigger history!(>OL2:1003)…and you may enter it.

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-media_DARE.pdf

I look forward to hearing from you.

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
2165 Bruckner Blvd
Bronx, New York 10472
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Tel. (718)827-9521

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, Corderoric@yahoo.com

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line of your email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses.

* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

****************************

Dare! follow the lead in Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s “plan” for holding judges accountable for abusing their power to enrich themselves; and thereby make a historic scoop: the exposure of the Judiciary as a racketeering branch that voters bring down

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-media_DARE.pdf

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , CorderoRic@yahoo.com

A. From Sen. Warren’s denunciation to the Judiciary as a racketeering branch

1. Senator Elizabeth Warren has just released her “plan” for holding federal judges accountable for failing to recuse themselves from cases in which they own shares in one of the parties and even resolving such conflict of interests in favor of that party and to the benefit of themselves, even if at the expense of the opposing party and the rule of law.

2. Her “plan” provides for judges’ accountability to be ensured by the Judicial Conference of the U.S., an entity formed by judges who themselves may have engaged and still engage in the self-serving resolution of such conflict; and by Congress, the entity that confirms judicial nominees and thereafter protects them as ‘our men and women on the bench’.

3. Those entities are interested in preserving judges’ unaccountability. Expecting them to work against their interest is unrealistic and dooms her “plan” to failure(>OL2:998).

4. Yet, Sen. Warren is the only member of Congress and the first presidential candidate who has dare criticize federal judges.

5. Given her example of courage, will journalists, editors, and publishers, i.e., the media, dare investigate her denunciation of judges’ self-serving resolution of conflicts of interests to determine whether it exposes their claim to integrity as a pretense?

6. Their investigation (*>OL:194§E) can be guided by the axiom ‘power is ever expanding’, and its corollary ‘the more blatantly one breaks the rules, the more likely it is that one broke them in the past and is ready to do so in future’? How far have judges individually and collectively gone in abusing their power?

7. If the media dare follow Sen. Warren’s lead, they can make a scoop that provokes the scandal with the farthest-reaching impact ever:

a. Federal judges are the only judges whose decisions affect the whole country.

b. They are the only officers appointed for life; so they need not restrain their conduct to avoid alienating voters or reappointers.

c. Only they have self-disciplining authority, which they have abused by dismissing 100% of complaints and denying 100% of petitions to review those dismissals(*>jur:10-14; OL2:548, 748), both required by law to be filed with them(>OL2:918).

d. Judges wield power to decide the controversies between the other two branches, e.g.,

1) whether Congress can issue subpoenas that override the President’s claims to executive privilege;

2) a single district judge suspended nationwide the President’s Muslim travel ban order;

3) judges have determined that the President cannot invalidate Congress’s constitutional ‘power of the purse’ by reallocating to the construction of the U.S.-Mexican wall funds appropriated for other purposes.

e. Judges have abusively turned their arbitral power into power to retaliate. The risk of its application has frightened the other branches into abstaining from subjecting them to constitutional checks and balances.

8. Unencumbered by fear of job loss and punishment, and unchecked by the other branches, judges advance their interests by”

a. abusing their power over the property, liberty, and the rights and duties that frame the lives and shape the identity of parties and the rest of We the People; while

b. protecting themselves by intercepting people’s emails and mail to detect and suppress critical ones(>OL2:929).

9. Judges have the motive, means, and opportunity to turn riskless abuse into their coordinated, and the Federal Judiciary’s institutionalized, modus operandi(OL2:760). They are the officers(*>jur:88§§a-c) of a racketeering branch.

10. This is shown in my two-volume study of judges and their judiciaries:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Abuse of Power:

Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting
*

* Volume 1: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >all prefixes:page# up to prefix OL:page393

Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf >from page OL2:394

a. Download the volume files using MS Edge, Firefox, or Chrome; it may happen that Internet Explorer only downloads a blank page.

b. Open the downloaded files using Adobe Acrobat Reader, which is available for free at https://acrobat.adobe.com/us/en/acrobat/pdf-reader.html.

c. In each downloaded file, go to the Menu bar >View >Navigation Panels >Bookmarks panel and use its bookmarks, which make navigating to the contents’ numerous(* >blue references) very easy.

B. Dare rely on the precedent for exposing unaccountable judges’ abuse of power

11. The Washington Post dare pursue the story about “a garden variety burglary” by burglars, disparagingly dubbed “the Five Plumbers”, who broke into the Watergate complex in Washington, DC, on June 17, 1972. The Post continued daring until the story, shunned by its peers, became the Watergate scandal. On its bandwagon, every media outlet had to climb. They rode it to the point of driving President Nixon to resign on August 8, 1974, and causing “All the President’s Men”, his aides, to be convicted of abuse of power, conspiracy, obstruction of justice, etc. During those 2+ years, The Post became a household name and established its reputation as a preeminent newspaper.

12. Dare go beyond The Post by setting off a generalized media investigation that exposes how Supreme Court justices engaged in self-enrichment and abuse of power as lower court judges, continue to do so(*>jur:65§§1-4), and as “circuit justices” for the circuits to which they have been allotted under 28 U.S.C. §42, cover for those judges(>OL2:918); and topple, not only “Men”, but a branch.

13. After The New York Times dare publish its exposé of sexual predator Harvey Weinstein on October 5, 2017, The New Yorker scrambled to publish its own exposé only five days later. The MeToo! movement erupted worldwide overnight and brought about transformative change. These publishers won Pulitzer prizes. TIME made its Persons of the Year those who dare be “Silence Breakers”.

14. The New York Times dare denounce the mistreatment of civil right protesters to suppress their criticism, which led to NYT v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964), and its actual malice standard in defense of freedom of speech and the press. It dare publish the Pentagon Papers, which exposed the lies underlying the Vietnam War.

15. Dare become today’s L’Aurore (First Light of Day), which published French writer Emile Zola’s I accuse! letter on January 13, 1898, and made journalistic history in the publishing of public misconduct exposés(*>jur:98§2). Dare write openly or be a discreet in print Deep Throat –the confidential informant during the Watergate investigation(jur:106§c)- like…

16. Anonymous Whistleblower dare file his/her few pages of public misconduct complaint and thereby launched the Ukrainian scandal generalized media investigation. In two weeks, the media accomplished what Special Counsel Robert Mueller failed to do in his almost two-year probe and nearly 400-page report: cause the opening of first an informal, now a formal, impeachment inquiry.

17. We the People, emboldened by the MeToo! attitude, dare shout self-assertively the rallying cry:

Enough is enough!
We won’t take any abuse by anybody anymore.

18. You, emboldened by Sen. Warren, can request each of the other presidential candidates to take a stand on her denunciation of self-enriching, abusive judges. This can substantially impact the campaign by inserting the issue in it.

19. Thereby you can pioneer an event that has never occurred in the thousands of years during which kings and governments have appointed ‘their men and women to the bench’:

a. You can thus enable the People to assert -during a presidential campaign, when politicians are most responsive to public outrage- their status as the source of all political power and masters of all public servants, entitled to hold also their judicial public servants accountable AND liable to compensate the victims of their abuse.

20. That will be transformative change in the judiciary and the rest of government.

21. To foster that change, dare invest in the research and writing, and strategic thinking of Judicial Discipline Reform, as set forth in its business plan(>OL2:914), e.g., to develop http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, whose appeal is proven by its 28,479+ subscribers(OL2:Appendix 3).

22. Dare publish one(OL2:998) or a series(OL2:719§C) of my articles to inform the People about how judges prove that “power corrupts and absolute [unaccountable] power corrupts absolutely”(*>jur27fn28).

23. If you dare seize this opportunity to bring about such transformative change, you can become nationally recognized by a grateful People as their Champion of Justice.

24. Time is of the essence.

Dare trigger history!(>OL2:953)…and you may enter it.
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf

C. Put your money where your outrage at abuse and passion for justice are

because

Every meaningful cause needs resources for its advancement;
none can be advanced without money

25. So I have written a prospectus(>OL2:914) to apply to venture capitalists for venture capital –not a loan– to run Judicial Discipline Reform as a for-profit business guided by the motto:

Making money while doing justice.
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Venture_Capitalists.pdf

26. The capital will help Judicial Discipline Reform to continue its professional and original law research and writing, and strategic thinking.

27. It will also enhance its website at http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org. Its public appeal is so extensive that out of its many visitors it has turned into subscribers 28,554 and counting(OL2:Appendix 3). That proven appeal can be fostered and monetized by enhancing the site from an informational one into:

a. a clearinghouse for complaints(OL2:918) about judges that anybody can upload; and

b. a research center for auditing(*>OL:274-280, 304-307) many complaints in search of (*>jur:131§b, *>OL:255) the most persuasive type of evidence, i.e., patterns(OL2:792§A), trends, and schemes(OL2:614) of abuse of power.

28. Capital is also needed to undertake the concrete, realistic, and feasible Programmatic Activities (OL2:916§C, 978§E) aimed to form a national movement and attain its objectives of judicial abuse exposure, compensation, and reform. The Program shows that there is a thought-out business plan reasonably calculated to turn a profit.

29. I offer to present this article and the application for venture capital to you and your colleagues at a video conference or in person; cf.:

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_video.mp4

http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_slides.pdf

30. You may use the information below to contact me and discuss the presentation’s terms and conditions and its scheduling.

31. Meantime,

Support
Judicial Discipline Reform
and its professional law research and writing
and strategic thinking.

Donate
through

PayPal
https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=HBFP5252TB5YJ

or
at the GoFundMe campaign at
https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

Dare trigger history!(>OL2:953)…and you may enter it.
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates2.pdf

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
2165 Bruckner Blvd.
Bronx, NY 10472-6506
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Tel. (718)827-9521

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

CorderoRic@yahoo.com , Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line of your email so as to increase the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses.

The enabling circumstances of judges’ abuse of power: unaccountability, risklessness, coordination, and secrecy; how the presidential candidates can in their electoral interest denounce judges’ abuse and support compensation for their victims; and a program of realistic abuse-exposing actions in which you can participate. An introduction to the VIDEO and SLIDES presentation

By

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , CorderoRic@yahoo.com

This article can be posted on social media and shared through this link: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_introduction_video_slides_judges_abuse.pdf

These are the links to the presentation components:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_video.mp4
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero_judges_abuse_slides.pdf

Dear Visitors and Subscribers to this site,

I take pleasure in submitting to your review my presentation video and slides on how you, your friends and family, and the rest of We the People can contribute to exposing unaccountable judges’ riskless abuse of power, which harms you and all of us.
‡ To subscribe to this site go <left panel ↓Register   or   + New or Users >Add New.

You can thus have a transformative impact on the administration of justice and the presidential campaign while pioneering law practice, reporting/publishing, and academic fields.*
* This article is based on the two-volume study* of judges and their judiciaries, titled and downloadable thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Abuse of Power:

Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting
*

* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf†  http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

A. Judges’ statistics show their unaccountability and riskless abuse of power

1. The presentation has its reliable foundation in the federal judges’ official statistics, which they must under 28 U.S.C. §604 [Title 28 of the U.S. Code of federal laws, section 604] submit to Congress annually. Their statistics show that federal judges:

a. have had only 8 of their peers impeached and removed in the last 230 years since the creation of the Federal Judiciary in 1789! Their decisional independence has become personal untouchability, which eliminates the deterrence to abuse entailed by the fear of losing one’s job;

b. dismiss 100% of complaints against them, which must be filed with them(§351), a dismissal rate that allows and even encourages them to grab benefits through abuse of power in reliance on the farce of self-ensured accountability and the reality of self-granted impunity;

c. do not read the vast majority of briefs, required by the courts, depriving parties of the honest service which they reasonably expected and contracted for when they paid filing fees, of which the parties were defrauded under the false pretense of judges’ brief-based decisions;

d. officially weight the case of a pro se party as ⅓ of a case from its filing and before judges consider its merits, denying it the equal protection of the law afforded a party who pays the same filing fee but whose case is weighted as one or more cases and treated accordingly;

e. dispose of 93% of appeals to the federal circuit courts in meaningless summary orders contained in ‘dumping forms’, i.e., unresearched, reasonless, fiat-like orders in forms rubberstamped by their clerks to dump appeals of no interest to the judges out of the latter’s caseloads;

f. deny systematically any en banc motion for all the judges of a court to review an order of any panel of its judges, so that by either tacit or explicit agreement the judges mutually assure the survival of their orders however abusive, wrong, or perfunctory they are, thus fostering their unprincipled and self-interested attitude of “Our power stands unreviewable!”…as such “it is absolute and corrupts absolutely”.

2. Statistical analysis shows that federal judges intercept people’s emails and mail to detect and suppress critical ones, maintaining through coordinated abuse their pretense of honesty to ward off external supervision and protect their unaccountability and benefits already and yet to be grabbed. This article in the format of a professional letter proposing joint action was mailed in hardcopy to over 120 addressees. Will the letters and any reply be delivered or intercepted?

3. The judges have abused their power to prevent the exercise on them and their branch of constitutional checks and balances by the other two branches for fear of retaliation, such as by suspending nationwide their executive orders or holding their laws unconstitutional.

4. Likewise, they escape the power of control of the masters of even judicial public servants in “government of, by, and for the people”: We the People.

5. As a result, they have turned their Judiciary into Judges’ State Above the state.

6. They have extended their State to their state counterparts, for whom federal judges provide the federal rules of procedure and evidence as the model for the state ones, and illustrate their application with riskless disregard for due process, equal protection, justifying reasons, reasonable expectations, and foreseeable harm.

B. Precedent for expecting exposure of abuse to have a transformative impact

7. I propose analyzing judicial independence based on the circumstances enabling abuse of power: unaccountability, risklessness, coordination, and secrecy –clerks bound by confidentiality agreements and all meetings held behind closed doors, where the most insidious corruptor festers hidden from ‘disinfecting sunshine’, Money!, lots of money in controversy.

8. Yet, you can bring about a transformative change in judges’ accountability for the first time in history and everywhere in the world:

a. Indeed, the publication by The New York Times and The New Yorker on October 5 and 10, 2017, respectively, of their exposés of Harvey Weinstein’s sexual abuse gave rise overnight to the MeToo! movement, which here and abroad has had the first-ever transformative impact on the social and judicial handling of sexual abusers. It has given rise in the public to a self-assertive attitude, expressed in the rallying cry:

Enough is enough!
We won’t take any abuse by anybody anymore.

9. A similar eruption of an international civic movement for judicial abuse of power exposure, compensation, and reform can result from your exposing judges’ abuse as their institutionalized modus operandi and their Judiciary as their private arm for coordinating the planning and execution of their abuse.

C. The presidential campaign as the most opportune time to expose the abuse

10. There is an overcrowded field of 20+ presidential candidates desperately in need of voters’ support to qualify for the nationally televised presidential debate scheduled for October, lest missing such publicity event dries up the stream of donations and volunteers needed to run their campaigns until the Iowa caucus in late February.

11. Desperate people do desperate things, like denouncing judges’ abuse, if the expected reward outweighs the risk of retaliation. The candidates can vie for a reward that can make their campaign’ survival possible: recognition as the leader of the huge untapped leaderless voting bloc of The Dissatisfied with the Judicial and Legal System, unjust for many and too expensive for all.

12. As the MeToo! public, The Dissatisfied, and the media are informed of judges’ abuse, they will reciprocally reinforce their outrage and competitive and commercial need to investigate the issue. They will demand that:

a. the candidates at a press conference, an op-ed article, their rallies, townhall meetings, and interviews denounce judges’ abuse; and

b. call for traditional congressional hearings as well as unprecedented hearings held by universities and the media to take the testimony of victims of, and witnesses to, judges’ abuse. At those hearings, unlike in your brief or complaint against a judge, you and others will have the opportunity to be heard on your experience at the hands of unaccountable, abusive judges.

13. Their demand can attain, in the U.S. to begin with, a key exposure objective: to insert the issue into the presidential campaign.

14. But time is of the essence: The more candidates are still in the race, the stronger the pressure to be the first to denounce the abuse rather than drop out of the race.

D. Why exposing judges’ abuse should matter to you

15. We all can work together on something of historic transcendence: the transfer of the administration of justice from the State of Judges to the government of We the People.

16. That is ‘government, not of powerful, abusive men and women, but by the rule of law’.

17. You can contribute to exposing judges’ abuse of power whether you have or had a case in court; and have been represented by a lawyer or had to appear in court pro se to be treated as only ⅓ of a party.

18. Even if you have not had a case in court and are not a victim of, or a witness to, judges’ abuse, their abuse deprives you and those that you care about of your effective membership in the People, the sovereign of all public power, entitled to hire, fire, and hold judges accountable for their conduct and liable to compensate their victims as they do everybody else.

E. Realistic actions to expose judges’ abuse and carve a business niche

19. You can carve a law practice, reporting/publishing, and academic niche suing for compensation, investigating, and writing on, judges’ abuse.

20. You can begin with the abuse committed at the very top, by the justices, who committed it as judges, still do from the Supreme Court, and cover it up to protect their former lower court colleagues and all the judges who belong to the circuit to which each justice is respectively assigned as its circuit justice, lest the judges trade up in plea bargaining their incriminating testimony against ‘a bigger fish’ for a lesser charge for themselves.

21. Multidisciplinary teams, e.g., of lawyers, journalists, documentarists, talkshow hosts; experts in business practices, Information Technology, and public relations; advertisers, professors and students, can form to execute any element of this program of actions. They can:

a. handle the flood of motions to void dumping orders and remand for new process;

b. investigate the interception of emails and mail;

c. hold a tour of presentations on judges’ abuse at universities, public interest and defenders organizations, bar associations, press clubs, chambers of commerce, digital technology and artificial intelligence meetings, home owners associations, children and family conferences, probate groups, shareholders associations, etc.;

d. gather the parties before the same judge or the same court into a group that jointly claims from that judge and court the refund of filing fees and compensation for unread briefs;

e. organize those groups into the local chapters of the national civic movement for judicial abuse of power exposure, compensation, and reform;

f. conduct public interest law clinics for victims of, and witnesses to, the abuse, and offer other courses analyzing the causes and effects of judges’ unaccountability and abuse of power;

g. pursue the abuse as the subject of the teamwork class of journalism students;

h. propose judges’ abuse as the subject of students’ term project, master’s thesis, and doctoral dissertation;

i. interview, if need be on promise of anonymity, current law clerks to the justices and other top judges as well as former clerks, who today may be law professors and deans, to detect from their valuable accounts as insiders patterns of conduct among judges; and turn into confidential informants sitting and former judges disgusted by judges’ abuse of power that they witnessed, condoned, and even participated in;

j. investigate judges’ relation to organizers of and participants in, and conduct at, conferences, whether held by judiciaries or corporate entities that have or are bound to have cases in court; in effect pay for all the judges’ expenses; and can afford to do all that while the individuals who are most frequently their opposing parties cannot;

k. call for nationally televises hearings on judges’ abuse held by Congress as well as unprecedented ones held by universities and the media so that their findings of the nature, extent, and gravity of the abuse provoke such national media and public outrage that judicial reforms that today appear inconceivable become unavoidable under public pressure;

l. produce the documentary Black Robed Predators Perched on Benches for commercial distribution, so that it can be like 9/11 Fahrenheit, which at the time was the largest grossing documentary ever;

m. develop search engines and algorithms to audit judges’ writings and detect patterns, trends, and schemes of abuse;

n. apply Forensic and Fraud Accounting techniques to judges’ annual mandatory public financial disclosure reports;

o. use Follow the money! techniques and the Al Capone strategy to search for judges’ concealed assets, tax evasion, and money laundering;

p. publish editorial comments, articles, syndicated columns, and journals on judges’ unaccountability and abuse of power;

q. apply Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations techniques jurisprudence, and scholarship to design the sociogram and operational diagram of unaccountable judges and their cronies protected by their riskless abuse, such as complicit lawyers, bankruptcy trustees, appraisers, warehousers, auctioneers, accountants, house renovation contractors, bankers, managers of private clubs that serve as conspiracy dens;

r. develop this website http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, which has 27,125 subscribers and counting, into a clearinghouse for complaints against judges and a center for research on judges’ unaccountability and riskless abuse;

s. develop and make widely available templates for people to detect and describe in a uniform and comparable way judges’ abuse of power;

t. collect, verify, and edit accounts of judges’ abuse and comment on its nature, extent, and gravity in the Annual Report on Judicial Unaccountability and Abuse in America;

u. hold a series of regular talkshows on judges’ abuse that gives rise to a Coalition of Hosts to Justice that develop their shows collectively into a powerhouse of American politics and a rival to the national TV networks;

v. hold the first-ever, and national, multimedia, and interactive conference on judges’ abuse of power, sponsored by a nationally respected university or think tank and media outlets;

w. create the Institute for Judicial Unaccountability Reporting and Reform Advocacy attached to a top university;

x. facilitate the formation a single-issue Tea Party-like movement for a new crop of politicians willing to act as the representatives of the People by taking on an unaccountable judiciary and its judges;

y. promote internationally the exposure of judges’ unaccountability and riskless abuse just as America has exported other trend-setting ideas in society, politics, and the arts that have changed the world;

w. advocate the grant of the petition to Congress by 34 states –thus satisfying the requirement of Article V of the Constitution– since April 2, 2014, for a constitutional convention, which can transform the American governance system by the People abolishing Judges’ State Above the state and for the first time in history inscribing in their constitution, a new one, their right to hold their judicial public servants accountable and liable; etc.

F. Money can be made doing justice

22. The arguments that judges have developed to hold the executive branch, the President, and the Catholic Church accountable for their abuse of power can be used against them:

a. Former CBS Reporter Sharryl Attkisson and CBS noted strange behaviors of her office and home computers. They hired three independent IT experts to examine them. They determined that her computers had been roamed by the target of her journalistic investigation: the Department of Justice, which wanted to find out the state of her research into both:

1) the killing of the American ambassador and his aides in Benghazi, Libya; and

2) its Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms’ disastrous Fast and Furious gunrunning operation that led to the killing of an American border patrol with a gun that it had sold to Mexican druglords. Reporter Attkisson is now suing the Department of Justice for $35 million.

b.i. Judges have allowed the suit against President Donald Trump under the emoluments clause of the Constitution to go forward to determine whether he has abused his power to enrich himself through his Trump hotel in Washington, DC.

b.ii. While that case is still being litigated, a Florida judge found that Donald Trump had unjustifiably refused to pay The Paint Spot, a provider of paint for Trump National Doral Miami resort, and imposed damages and attorney’s fees of more than $300,000, or over 10 times the amount in controversy.

b.iii. Another judge found Trump liable to pay $25 million in compensation for fraud to the students of Trump University.

c. Despite the state/church separation clause in the First Amendment to the Constitution, the judges have held the Catholic Church liable to pay more than $2 billion to the victims of its pedophilic priests and its policy of protecting them from exposure.

d. How many clients would like to sue their lawyers for charging them $10Ks for appealing to a court of appeals although the lawyers knew or should have known had they done their due diligence of checking the judges’ own statistics made available to the public annually and the orders posted on their courts’ websites that the judges would not read their appellate briefs and instead would have their clerks dispose of their appeals by rubberstamping 5¢ dumping forms that did not discuss either the facts or the law of their cases, and did the only thing that clerks who have no judicial power, were not vetted to exercise it, and cannot receive it by delegation can do: maintain the status quo with a single operative word, “Affirmed” or “Denied”?

G. Concrete, reasonable, and feasible actions that you can take now

23. Therefore, I respectfully propose that you:

a. review my video and slides;

b. share and post them and this letter as widely as possible so that they go viral and reach the national public and the presidential candidates; and

c. invite me to make via video conference and in person a presentation followed by Q&A to you and your guests.

24. Let’s join forces at this most opportune time to make an Emile Zola’s I accuse!-like denunciation that earns us the recognition by a grateful People as their transformative Champions of Justice.

25. So, I look forward to hearing from you.

H. Put your money where your outrage at abuse and passion for justice are

26. Every meaningful cause needs resources for its advancement; none can be advanced without money.

Support
Judicial Discipline Reform
and its professional law research and writing
and strategic thinking.

Donate
through PayPal
https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=HBFP5252TB5YJ

or
at the GoFundMe campaign at
https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

Dare trigger history!(>OL2:953)…and you may enter it.
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

 Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, Corderoric@yahoo.com

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line of your email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses; if you do not receive even an acknowledgment of receipt, call him at 1(718)827-9521.

* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

************************************

Turning your invitations to speak at your events into the linked events of a national campaign to advance our common cause and form a national civic movement for judicial abuse exposure, redress, and reform

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris

Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , CorderoRic@yahoo.com

This article can be shared and posted to social media
provide it is done non-commercially
without deletions or additions,
proper attribution is made to its author,
Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.,
and the links to this website, namely,
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
and to his study of judges and their judiciaries(see infra)
are provided.

Subscribe for free to these articles
by going to the left panel and down to the Register bottom.

Dear Advocates of Honest Judiciaries,

Thank you for inviting me to speak at your respective event on the issues of:

a. the riskless abuse of power(*>jur:5§3; OL:265) including the denial of due process and equal protection of the law, by unaccountable judges at courts of general and limited jurisdiction, such as family, probate, and bankruptcy courts(>OL2:614);

b. my out-of-court inform and outrage strategy for the public to join forces and take concrete, realistic, and feasible steps in order to form a national civic movement for judicial abuse exposure, redress, and reform; and

c. the insertion in the presidential campaign of the issue of unaccountable judges’ abuse so that candidates are forced to address it in their political platforms, press conferences, rallies, townhall meetings, and the presidential debates.

A. Balancing the benefit of my speech with the charge of my speaking fee

1. I receive many invitations to speak. I cannot accept all, much less agree to speak pro bono at events that I am in addition expected to attend by paying for my transportation, room and board, and all other expenses.

2. Here applies the axiom, “What one receives at no charge and can drop at no cost is not appreciated”…and I am left out on the cold sidewalk holding the bag of unpaid bills after investing scores of hours doing my homework to learn about the event, tailor my message to its audience, and prepare handouts, as well as closing my office for one or two days.

3. Hence, to speak at events I charge a fee based on expected attendees and additional ones who show up, paid on a retainer basis, just as clients pay lawyers in advance, and the flight ticket and hotel room and board paid also in advance, with other expenses paid upon presentation of the bill. A flat fee can be arranged for events held by national organizations.

4. The investment in having audiences hear my well-researched and reasoned message with a concrete, reasonable, and feasible plan of action, and experience my lively and uplifting delivery warrants the fee.

5. Indeed, the quality, tenor, and originality of content and format of the articles posted on this website – http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org – illustrate what I actually do in terms of professional law research and writing and strategic thinking, and point to what I am capable of doing when I am in front of a life audience. The currently more than 25,495 subscribers and many more visitors to my website prove that my message and presentation are highly appealing.

6. My capacity to imagine an audience being addressed with sidesplitting and good taste humor is shown in my skits(>OL2:491, 530, and 724¶4) in my otherwise very serious study of judges and their judiciaries. The study is titled and downloadable for free thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting
*

* Volume 1: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >all prefixes:page# up to prefix OL:page393

Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >from page OL2:394

a. Download the volume files using MS Edge, Firefox, or Chrome; it may happen that Internet Explorer only downloads a blank page.

b. Open the downloaded files using Adobe Acrobat Reader, which is available for free at https://acrobat.adobe.com/us/en/acrobat/pdf-reader.html.

c. In each downloaded file, go to the Menu bar >View >Navigation Panels >Bookmarks panel and use its bookmarks, which make navigating to the contents’ numerous(* >prefix:page# references) very easy.

7. The study describes at *>OL:359§F a half or one day seminar that includes a role-playing exercise for learning the workings of a complex judicial and legal system by the seminary participants playing the several types of system members as they advance or protect their respective harmonious and conflicting interests. Invaluable benefits can be reaped by putting oneself in the position of a different system member while interacting and, what is more, competing with them in the midst of an audience.

B. Holding the same type of meeting while wishfully thinking that it will accomplish something different in court

8. In our country, even the executive orders of a president elected by 62.5 million voters can be suspended nationwide by one single district judge and the suspension can be confirmed by two or three circuit judges. It follows that a host of orders, decisions, and controversies emanating from lower parties end up in court too and at the mercy of one judge and his or her peers and colleagues, for “he who can do the most, can do the lesser”.

9. Whatever you and your group advocate and decide at an event, such as a meeting or convention, it can be suspended or prohibited by one or several judges for any reason and even for no reason at all!(>OL2:457§D). They need not fear any adverse consequence for themselves therefrom, for they are held unaccountable by each other(>OL2:903§E) and the politicians who recommended, sponsored, nominated, and confirmed or appointed judicial candidates, and thereafter protect them as “our men and women on the bench”(OL2:610§3).

10. If we ‘keep holding separate events as up to now while expecting to have a different effect’ when we end up in court again, then as Einstein put it, ‘we engage in the conduct of irrational people’. We take the wishful thinking in our heads for what we will accomplish out there in the real world.

11. By holding a separate annual event, we will merely commiserate ineffectively in the same place at the same time with other victims of abusive judges.

12. The judges will keep picking each of us apart one after the other, denying us not only the services that we are entitled to, but also that they require us to pay for:

a. Judges do not even read the vast majority of briefs that they require parties to file, although producing and filing them costs each party $1Ks and even $10Ks(>OL2:760).

b. Judges intercept our email and mail communications to prevent us from ‘assembling’, including on the Internet, and exercising our constitutional ‘right to freedom of speech and the press’ to expose them(>OL2:885).

c. Judges hold priests, pilots, pharmaceutical companies, doctors, and pharmacists, lawyers, police officers, and everybody else accountable and liable for the injury that they cause. Yet, they hold themselves unaccountable by dismissing 100% of complaints against them and denying 100% of petitions to review those dismissals(>OL2:881). If you want to know how Supreme Court Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr., was informed officially about it but failed to take action reasonably calculated to end such self-interested abuse of power, read the file at http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-11Circuit.pdf.

C. Thinking strategically to link our separate events so as to make them the series over time and place of a national campaign

13. By contrast, we can join forces so that each of our events and those of other people whom we and our fellow members may persuade to come on board become peak occasions in a continuous joint effort: a virtual national campaign of events linked over time and place.

14. Thereby we can turn each event of our virtual national campaign into another occasion to advance our common cause:

a. We the People are the sovereign source of power in a democracy, that is, “government of, by, and for the people”(*>jur:82fn172). We are the masters of all public servants. We hire them to deliver to us the services that we need.

b. For the judicial services that we need, we hire judicial public servants to serve us as judges. We are entitled, and retain the right, to hold them accountable for their failure to perform their duties, their ‘mal-performance’, and their abuse of power, and liable to compensate those whom they have injured.

c. Our common cause aims to exercise the right to hold judges accountable, expose their unaccountability, obtain redress, and force judicial reform.

15. We can link our events to advance our common cause by us and the members of our groups:

a. informing the national public before, at, and after our events about judges’ failure to deliver the services(>OL2:760) for which they were hired and their abuse of power(>OL2:885); and

b. outraging the public with that information so as to stir it up to demand that all 2020 presidential and other candidates take a stand on that issue on their political platform and at every press conference, rally, townhall meeting, and presidential debate (set to start this coming June).

1. Benefits of linking our events into a national campaign

16. That is how we can insert the issue of judges’ unaccountability and consequent abuse of power in this campaign and for the first time in our national discourse.

17. Thereby we advance the formation of a national civic movement for judicial abuse exposure, redress, and reform. To that movement we lead the only entity strong enough to hold judges accountable and liable: We the People.

18. Imagine the boost that our respective efforts to assert constitutional rights; reform family, probate, and bankruptcy courts; establish an effective means of judicial accountability; etc., would receive if we could discuss them at each of our events conceived of as episodes of a single series held over time all over the country so that attendance is made possible and affordable for the largest number of people. Of course, at every event there can also be discussion of the issues of especial interest to the main segments of the audience and their particular organization.

19. That is how each presidential candidate conducts his or her national presidential campaign: not by holding one annual convention in one place, but rather by holding a rally, a townhall meeting, or a press conference in a different place every other day or every week. Although they run national campaigns, candidates also discuss the issues that are most important to the largest segments of the audience at hand.

20. By joining forces to link our events, we can have the practical effect of a national campaign where we repeat and mutually reinforce our message so that together we advance our common cause.

D. The actions that we can take and encourage our fellow members to take

21. Leaders lead to where followers would not naturally go; otherwise, they are merely following at the front those behind them, who by the force of habit push them to go to the same place as ever.

22. If we think strategically and show leadership by adopting this strategy and having our groups understand and help implement it, we can attain synergism: The public impact of our linked events will be greater than the sum of our individual events held separately.

23. Therefore, I respectfully encourage you to:

a. book me as a speaker;

b. share this email and its strategy with the members of your groups and ask them to read it because KNOWLEDGE IS POWER;

c. ask that they share and post this and my similar emails widely so that we can attract the attention of the national public and the presidential candidates and convince the latter that we represent something of immense value to them: the huge(>OL2:719¶¶6-8) untapped voting bloc of The Dissatisfied with The Judicial and Legal System; and

d. comment on implementing this strategy with a view to holding a video conference to discuss it.

E. No meaningful cause can be advanced without money

Visit the website at, and subscribe for free to its articles thus:
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org > left panel ↓Register

or   + New or Users >Add New.

24. My website can be enhanced as laid out in my business plan(>OL2:563) into a for-profit venture intended to lead up to the creation of an institute for judicial unaccountability reporting and reform advocacy(jur:130§5).

25. To that end, you and your peers and colleagues can organize a meeting where I can present to potential investors how my website can be turned into:

a. a clearinghouse for complaints about judges that anybody can upload(>OL2:881); and

b.a research center(*>jur:131§b) for searching(*>OL:277§§D-E) many complaints for the most persuasive type of evidence, i.e., patterns, trends, and schemes schemes(OL2:657§4, 682¶d) of abuse of power; e.g. http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-11Circuit.pdf >OL2:792.

Put your money where
your outrage at abuse
and passion for justice are.

DONATE TO
Judicial Discipline Reform
and its professional law research and writing, and
strategic thinking

here

or

at the GoFundMe campaign at
https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

26. Time is of the essence and this is the most opportune time: during a presidential campaign, when politicians must out of principle or opportunism pay attention to popular dissatisfaction. We the People are at our strongest now. Let’s join forces to use our strength effectively.

27. Consequently, I look forward to hearing from you at your earliest convenience.

Dare trigger history!(*>jur:7§5)…and you may enter it.
* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

28. To retain my legal services, see my model letter of engagement(*>OL:383).

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
Bronx, NY 10472-6505
       http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
      Tel. (718)827-9521

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, Corderoric@yahoo.com

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and€ paste it in the To: line of your email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses.

****************************

Introduction to the Programmatic Presentation on forming a national civic movement for judicial abuse of power exposure, redress, and reform

By
Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris

Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , Corderoric@yahoo.com

You may share and post this article
in its entirety, without any addition, deletion, or modification,
with credit to its author, Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.,
and the link to his website:
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org.

This article is also found at:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >OL2:821

A. Judges’ abuse in their courts and the strategy for their exposure outside them

1. The Programmatic Presentation discusses forming a national civic movement for judicial abuse of power exposure, redress, and reform.

2. It welcomes victims of, and witnesses to, judges’ abuse, and all advocates of honest judiciaries. They recognize that in ‘government, not of men and women, but by the rule of law’(*>OL:56)[1] it is vital for We the People, the masters of all public servants, to hold our judicial public servants accountable for performing the work for which we hire them, to wit, administer justice according to law, and liable to compensate those whom they harm.

3. The materials corresponding to the(* >references) are found in my professionally researched and written, 2-volume study of judges and their judiciaries, titled and downloadable thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting

Volume 1: * http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >all prefixes:# up to OL:393

Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >from OL2:394

Use the above links to download the files in MS Edge, Firefox, or Chrome; open the downloaded files in Adobe Reader, https://acrobat.adobe.com/us/en/acrobat/pdf-reader.html, so that you can open the Bookmarks panel and use the bookmarks that make navigating to the numerous(* >parenthetical references) very easy.

A smaller file with this article and the Programmatic Presentation outline infra can be downloaded through this link: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/retrieve/DrRCordero-national_movement_v_judicial_abuse.pdf.

4. Judges wield enormous power(OL:267§4) over people’s property, liberty, and the rights and duties that frame their lives. They abuse it for their benefit(OL:173¶93) when they, among other things:

a. deny parties their due process and equal protection rights(*>jur:5§3);

b. do not read their briefs and have their clerks dispose of cases and motions by rubberstamping dumping forms(>OL2:760), i.e., unresearched, unreasoned, arbitrary orders;

c. intercept their critics’ communications(OL2:781) thus abridging their right of free speech;

d. complicitly exonerate each other from all(OL2:792) complaints to escape any adverse consequence of their abuse, a catchall term for any form of their harmful conduct. Yet, judges hold malpracticing doctors and lawyers, brutal police officers, pedophilic priests, and pilots liable for the harm that they cause whether intentionally, negligently, or accidentally and even if they too are among the casualties.

5. The People, as the source of all governmental power, are entitled to bring Judges Self-elevated Above the Law down to where Everybody is Equal Before the Law.

6. This objective can only be achieved by informing the national public of the nature, extent, and gravity of judges’ abuse and so outraging it as to cause it to demand further exposure, redress, and reform. This is our out-of-court inform and outrage strategy(OL2:713).

7. To implement it, we need to reach out to the national public and attract the largest number of people to a national civic movement. The Programmatic Presentation shows why attaining that objective is realistic, feasible, and opportune given:

a. the public’s MeToo! attitude of intolerance of any form of abuse; and

b. its current strongest position to force consideration of its demands: during a presidential campaign when poli-ticians depend the most on voters and must be seen listening and willing to satisfy their demands.

B. Share, post, and organize the holding of the Programmatic Presentation

8. You can be part of forming a national civic movement that enables the People to exercise on the judiciary the ‘checks and balances’ that the other two branches have failed to. In brief, you can:

9. SHARE this introduction to the Presentation(OL2:821) and its outline(OL2:823) with your friends, family, and other people who have or had cases in the same court as you do or did. Just go to the court’s website, download its decisions, and find there their or their lawyers’ contact information.

10. POST them to websites, social media, and yahoogroups(see a list of them at OL2:433) as widely as possible so that it may go viral(*>jur:164§9). Your posting will reach many who have experienced or witnessed judges’ abuse and many others who can become an invaluable source of information:

11. Whether out of principle or opportunism, journalists and politicians may join forces with us to advance their own personal, professional, commercial and/or our common interest. They can become effective allies of result, for they have superb means of nationally disseminating news and issues. We want journalists to report on us; and politicians to insert our cause in their platforms and every stump speech as a way to stand out from the pack of candidates competing against them.

12. ORGANIZE a group to whom I can make the Presentation in person, if they pay my expenses; otherwise, via video conference. To identify other parties with cases before the same judge as in your case, search for the decisions of that judge and/or apply the method for searching with other parties for patterns and trends of abuse(*>OL:274-280, 304-307).

  1. You are no longer alone

13. Let it be a source of comfort for all of you that none must any longer suffer abuse in silence or protest it alone in separate, futile efforts(>OL2:815). You are among people who have experienced the same abuse by judges as you have. Now all of you have the opportunity to take joint action to expose them(*>jur:92§d), obtain redress, and compel reform.

2. From a Presentation group to a local chapter

14. A group at a Presentation can give rise to a local chapter of the national movement. All groups will join forces to lend weight to the nationwide demand for courts to refund the fees collected in cases where judges abused parties and compensate them for the harm that they caused.

3. A Presentation for parties and non-parties

15. None of you must have or have had a case before a judge to benefit from the Presentation. Judges abuse their power just as VIPs sexually abuse theirs: because they can. But while a sexual abuser harms only one person sometimes, judges abuse many parties daily, harming their families, neighbors, employees, patrons, etc., and the rest of the People through the precedential value of their decisions.

16. Therefore, to whom do you run for protection from abuse by others, including the other branches of government, when judges are the most powerful abusers…and unaccountable(*>jur:21§§1-3)?

4. Big and little can become Workers of Justice

17. You may invite judges, law clerks, and lawyers disgusted by being executioners of abuse(*>OL:180). Outside the Presentation, they may share with us information as confidential informants(>OL2:788 ¶37).

18. ‘Little people’ may also want to make confidences: court clerical staff, marshals, janitors, food delivery boys, and similarly situated people are ‘invisible’ to the judges, as are the drivers, waiters, waitresses, key counter and room service personnel, and their peers at hotels, seminars, restaurants, country clubs, banks, etc., patronized by judges(*>jur:106§c). Their presence, much less their ears and common sense, is not even noticed by judges as they coordinate their abuse and engage in competitive boasting about who has outsmarted the system the most.

19. The more representative local chapters are of all members of the public, the stronger they and the national movement will be in their demand for exposure, redress, and reform. All can become Workers of Justice.

C. Take knowledge for free for its power and give money for our common cause

20. KNOWLEDGE IS POWER: Empower yourself by gaining knowledge from the study* and the articles posted here.

Subscribe to this website
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org  
for free thus:

+New or Users >Add New.

21. No meaningful endeavor can be advanced without money. Donate to support Judicial Discipline Reform’s:

a. professional law research and writing; and

b. the implementation of its business plan(OL2:563) for turning its website into both a clearinghouse for complaints against judges uploaded by the public and a research center for the public to search for patterns, trends, and schemes(OL2:614)revealing judges’ coordinated abuse.

Put your money
where your outrage at abuse
and your quest for justice are.

Donate here

or
at the GoFundMe campaign

https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

Dare trigger history!(*>jur:7§5)…and you may enter it.
* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

**********************************

OUTLINE
of
the Programmatic Presentation
on forming a national civic movement
to expose judges’ abuse of their enormous power
over people’s property, liberty and
the rights and duties that frame their lives;
obtain redress; and
lead to reform

D. Purpose of the movement; basis of the Program; and audience of the Presentation

1. Purpose of the movement

22. A national civic movement(>OL2:821; *>jur:164§9) is being formed to expose judges’ unaccountability and consequent riskless abuse(jur:5§3, *>OL:154¶3) for their own benefit(OL:173¶93) and to the detriment of We the People of their enormous power(OL:267§4) over people’s property, liberty, and all the rights and duties that frame their lives.

23. The movement seeks redress for its members through, e.g., the refund of their court filing fees and compensation for the damages(>OL2:760) that judges’ abuse has caused parties and others.

24. A series of Presentations will launch the process of both informing the public of the nature, extent, and gravity of judges’ abuse and so outraging it(OL2:741) as to stir it up to compel the adoption of measures that today appear inconceivable into reforms(*>jur:158§§6-8) that are accepted as unavoidable to ensure that judges apply the law and are as equally subject to it as everybody else.

2. Basis of the Program

25. The basis of the Program is the professionally researched and written, 2-volume study* of judges and their judiciaries:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering the news and publishing field of
judicial unaccountability reporting*

3. Audience of the Presentation

26. The audience of the Presentation includes victims of, and witnesses to, judges’ abuse; current, past, and potential parties to lawsuits; advocates of judiciaries that honestly apply the rule of law; academics; students; newscast anchors, investigative journalists, and reporters; politicians; lawyers; law clerks; voters; etc.

E. Presentation topics: movement’s precedents; opportuneness; interests; and actions

1. Precedents for the national civic movement

27. The precedents for the national movement are current and the conditions for their repeat obtain:

a. Groups of people with a common view on a single issue, taxes, gathered in local chapters that merged into the Tea Party and in less than 10 years dominated local and national politics;

b. After the publication by The New York Times and The New Yorker on October 5 and 10, 2017, respectively, of their exposés of Harvey Weinstein’s sexual abuse, the MeToo! movement erupted into being to expose the millenarian impunity of sexual abusers(>OL2:812§D).

2. Opportuneness of forming the movement now

28. The public’s MeToo! attitude of personal involvement in exposing abuse, and intolerance of any form of it makes this the right time for the national public to rally to a national movement to shout(OL2:635):

Enough is enough!
We won’t take judges’ abuse anymore.

29. The social and political circumstances are propitious for forming the movement:

a. A sympathetic attitude can be expected from most of the new members of the House, who be-long to minorities that have experienced abuse, are anti-establishment, and want change now.

b. The 2020 election campaign is underway and during it politicians will be most receptive and vulnerable to the demands of voters, particularly those organized in movements(>OL2:648) that have many voting members. Politicians are likely to deem supporting the movement a means of reaching out to, and becoming the sought-after leader of, the huge(OL2:719¶¶6-8) untapped voting bloc of The Dissatisfied with The Judicial and Legal System.

3. Interests driving the movements’ formation

30. The audience will be interested to learn that judges count pro se cases as a third of a case(>OL2:455§B); do not read the vast majority of briefs(OL2:760); dispose of 93% of appeals in “procedural, unsigned, unpublished, without comment, and by consolidation decisions”( OL2:457§D); dismiss 100% of complaints against them and of petitions for review of such dismissals(OL2:792); etc.

31. The personal, professional, and commercial interests of principled and opportunistic people, and the interest in justice of the most passionate people, the abused by judges, will drive the movement.

32. The movement will be energized by a powerful motivator: the recovery of money lost to abusers: the joint demand by parties all over the country for courts and judges to refund court filing fees and pay compensation for the $1,000s and even $10,000s that judges made parties waste when they required parties to produce briefs that the judges willfully failed to read, even knew in advance that they would not read(OL2:760), but fraudulently pretended that they had read(OL2:729).

33. Enlightened self-interest, “Everyone can advance his or her own interest by pursuing the common interest first”(OL2:815), should lead people to join the movement and think strategically(OL2:445§B).

4. Actions that you can take

34. To help form the national civic movement for judicial abuse of power exposure, redress, and reform, you, the reader, can share and post the introduction(>OL2:821) to, and this outline(OL2:823) of, the Programmatic Presentation, which I offer to make to a group of your colleagues, friends, and family, in person with all expenses paid, or via video conference. See also a series of articles(OL2:719§C) that can inform the public about, and outrage it at, judges’ abuse.

35. Help spark a generalized investigation by professional and citizen journalists into two unique national stories of the potentially most outrageous forms of judges’ abuse of power:

a. Follow the Money!(*>OL:194§E), the investigation into how judges rely on their unaccountability to risklessly profit from case-related information, engage in money laundering, and evade taxes, particularly through a bankruptcy fraud scheme(>OL2:614) driven by the most insidious corruptor: Money!(*>jur:27§2);

b. Judges’ unlawful interception of their critics’ communications(OL2:781), a violation of the 1st Amendment “freedom of speech, of the press, and the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances”(OL2:792¶1), committed in the self-interest of preventing their critics from joining forces to expose judges’ abuse.

36. Help “assemble” We the People at unprecedented citizen hearings(>OL2:812§E) where victims of, and witnesses to, judges’ abuse, and advocates of honest judiciaries will offer testimony to panels of newscast anchors, investigative journalists, journalism professors, and IT experts. The hearings can be locally organized by, and held at, a talkshow hosts coalition(*>OL:146, 144§D), universities, media outlets, and civic entities; and attended by a live and a broadcast audience.

37. Help organize with university professors and students the first-ever conference(*>dcc:11) on judicial abuse exposure, redress, and reform, one multi-disciplinary, nationally multimedia broadcast, and interactive(jur:97§1), to hear investigative reporters, public interest leaders, politicians, etc.

38. KNOWLEDGE IS POWER: Empower yourself by gaining knowledge from the study*and the articles posted here.

Subscribe to this website
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org  
for free thus:

+New or Users >Add New.

39. No meaningful endeavor can be advanced without money. Donate to support Judicial Discipline Reform’s:

a. professional law research and writing; and

b. the implementation of its business plan(OL2:563) for turning its website into both a clearinghouse for complaints against judges uploaded by the public and a research center for the public to search for patterns, trends, and schemes(OL2:614)revealing judges’ coordinated abuse.

Put your money
where your outrage at abuse
and your quest for justice are.

Donate here

or
at the GoFundMe campaign

https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

Dare trigger history!(*>jur:7§5)…and you may enter it.
* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
2165 Bruckner Blvd.
Bronx, New York 10472-6505
    tel. 1(718)827-9521

http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net,  DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org,  Corderoric@yahoo.com

To retain Dr. Cordero’s legal services, see his model letter of engagement(*>OL:383).

NOTE: Given the interference with Dr. Cordero’s email and e-cloud storage accounts described at *>ggl:1 et seq., when emailing him, copy the above bloc of his email addresses and paste it in the To: line of your email so as to enhance the chances of your email reaching him at least at one of those addresses. If you do not receive at least an acknowledgment of receipt credibly from him within a week, resend your email until you do, or contact him otherwise

****************************************

[

TEST COMPLAINT that you can support by filing it too to expose how judges intentionally deceive the public by pretending that it can complain about them although the judges know that they will dismiss 100% of its complaints so that the proposal to change the complaint Rules is a sham that confirms unaccountable judges’ riskless abuse of power

By
Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris

Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , Corderoric@yahoo.com

You may share and post this test complaint
in its entirety, without any addition, deletion, or modification,
with credit to its author, Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.,
and the link to his website:
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org.

This test complaint is also found at:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >OL2:792

Chief Justice John G. Roberts, Jr.
Supreme Court of the U.S.
One First Street, NE
Washington, D.C. 20543

Dear Chief Justice Roberts,

  1. I and the people assembled with me, exercising our 1st Amendment “freedom of speech, of the press, and the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances”(*>jur:111§3), which no statute or self-interested required ‘confidentiality’ can abrogate, file publicly this complaint under the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 (the Act), 28 U.S.C. §§351-364(jur:2418a) about Judge Brett Kavanaugh, Chief Judge Merrick Gar-land, and their peers and colleagues in the U.S. District of Columbia Circuit (the complained-about judges or the judges; DCC) for dismissing 100% of the 478 complaints about them filed under the Act in DCC, and denying 100% of petitions for review of such dismissals during at least the 1oct 06-30sep17 11-year period.

The materials corresponding to the (parenthetical references in blue) are contained in my 2-volume study of judges and their judiciaries, which is titled and downloadable for free thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering the news and publishing field
of judicial unaccountability reporting*

Volume 2: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >from OL2:394

  1. That is a fact established by the statistics(infra §C) that they were required under 28 U.S.C. §604(h)(2)(jur:2623a) to submit and did submit to Congress and the public.
  2. The Act is to be construed broadly: It does not require complainants to show standing to file a complaint about a judge, whether by having suffered injury in fact as a result of the judge’s misconduct or disability complained about; meeting any residence requirement relative to the judge’s workplace or residence; or otherwise. Rather, it provides under §351(a) thus:

Any person alleging that a judge has engaged in conduct prejudicial to the effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts, or alleging that such judge is unable to discharge all the duties of office by reason of mental or physical disability, may file with the clerk of the court of appeals for the circuit a written complaint containing a brief statement of the facts constituting such conduct.

  1. The 15 complaints filed with DCC about J. Kavanaugh following his confirmation hearings in Sep. 2018 were transferred under Rules 25 and 26 of the Rules for Judicial Conduct and Disability Proceedings(Rules; jur:125264; >OL2:778) by C.J. Garland, who disqualified himself, to DCC Judge Karen Henderson, who in turn transferred them to you. You assigned them on October 10 to Ten Circuit Chief Judge Timothy Tymkovich. In the third paragraph of the letter to him, you wrote thus:

I have selected the Judicial Council of the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit to accept the transfer and to exercise the powers of a judicial council with respect to the identified complaints and any pending or new[1] complaints relating to same subject matter.

[1] Chief Judge Timothy M. Tymkovich
U.S. Court of Appeals for the 10th Circuit
Byron White U.S. Courthouse
1823 Stout Street, Room 102G
Denver, CO 80257-1823

  1. Therefore, we respectfully petition you and all other officers to likewise transfer and process this complaint with the other 15 so that their processing may be informed by each other; all be used to detect judges’ patterns and trends of misconduct and the Federal Judiciary’s institutionalized policy of misconduct as its modus operandi; and their processing may lead to the independent investigation of the Judiciary’s unlawful interception of its critics’ communications.

A. The facts of the complained-about judges’ prejudicial conduct

  1. Through their 100% dismissal of the 478 complaints about them and 100% denial of the petitions for review, the judges have “engaged in §351(a) prejudicial conduct”. Indeed, they have:a. arrogated to themselves the power to abrogate in effect that Act of Congress, which it is “the business of the courts” and its judges(infra ¶c) to enforce together with its other acts;

b. abused the self-disciplining power entrusted to them under the Act by exonerating them-selves from all complaints so as to evade any disciplinary action, thereby resolving in their favor the conflict of interests arising from being the target and the judges of the complaints;

c. breached their oath of office under 28 U.S.C. §453 whereby “[We] solemnly swear (or affirm) that [we] will administer justice without respect to persons [like our peers, colleagues, and friends as opposed to other parties to complaints], and do equal right to the poor [in connections to us] and to the rich [in IOUs on us that we gave the peers, colleagues, and friends who dismissed complaints about us], and that [we] will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties incumbent upon [us] as judges under the Constitution and laws of the U.S. [e.g., the Act]”. Instead, they administered ‘unequal protection from the law’ with respect to relationship to them by being 100% partial toward their peers, col-leagues, and friends when they became the target of complaints, all of which they dismissed;

d. disregarded their duty under the Code of Conduct, Canon 1, which requires them to “uphold the independence and integrity of the judiciary”. They have shown that how they “discharge and perform all the duties incumbent upon [them] as judges under the…laws [such as the Act]” depends upon whether the person whose conduct they are judging is their peer, col-league, or friend, on whom they dependent for cover-up of their misconduct and disability;

e. prejudiced through interdependent partiality “the integrity of the judiciary”, of whose essential character for the “effective…administration of the business of the courts” they have imputed knowledge because the Commentary to Canon 1 provides thus: “Deference to the judgments and rulings of courts depends on public confidence in the integrity and independence of judges. The integrity and independence of judges depend in turn on their acting without fear or favor. Although judges should be independent, they must comply with the law and should comply with this Code. Adherence to this responsibility helps to maintain public confidence in the impartiality of the judiciary. Conversely, violation of this Code diminishes public confidence in the judiciary and injures our system of government under law”;

f. failed to maintain the “good Behaviour” required of them under Article III, Section 1, of the Constitution “to hold their Offices”; defined by what their oath singles out, i.e., their pledge to “faithfully and impartially discharge and perform all the duties [under the] laws”, such as the Act; and reiterated by Canon 1 in its Commentary “they must comply with the law”;

g. committed “impropriety and the appearance of impropriety” prohibited by Canon 2, for under Canon 2A “reasonable minds with knowledge of the relevant circumstances after reasonable inquiry would conclude” that it is ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ impossible for all the judges to independently deem that 100% of the 478 complaints about them filed over 11 years were properly dismissible but for a complicit reciprocal complaint dismissal agreement;

h. denied complainants the benefit intended for them under the Act of redress for the prejudice that they had suffered or witnessed relating to the judges’ misconduct or disability;

i. deprived complainants and the rest of the public of the working mechanism for complaining that the Act had provided for their protection from misconducting and disable judges;

j. showed reckless disregard for 100% of the nature, extent, frequency, and gravity of the misconduct and disability complained about in the 478 complaints filed about, and dismissed by, them, whose recklessness was aggravated by their systematic failure to investigate the complaints through the appointment of special committees, provided for under §353;

k. showed reckless indifference to the rights and well-being of complainants and the rest of the public by leaving them exposed to 100% of the prejudice caused by the misconduct and disability complained about, and any additional prejudice at the hands of the exonerated judges, who were left free of any deterrent to further committing misconduct and indulging in disability; and at the hands of other judges who, realizing that misconduct and disability had no adverse consequences for judges, committed misconduct and indulged in disability;

l. disregarded Canon 3 providing that “The duties of judicial office take precedence over all other activities”, for the number of extra-judicial activities highlighted on their individual page on the DCC website allows ‘the math of perfunctoriness’(OL2:760) to demonstrate how lack of time accounts for 93%(OL2:457§D) of appeals being disposed of through the clerk-filled out, reasonless, arbitrary, fiat-like dumping forms of summary orders(jur:43§b);

m. intentionally “prejudic[ed] the effective and expeditious administration of the business of the courts” and the persons to whom they swore to administer justice, We the People, for it is a torts tenet that “people are deemed to intend the foreseeable consequences of their acts”. By dismissing 100% of the complaints and denying 100% of review petitions, the judges rendered their misconduct and disability riskless, which enabled their further prejudicial misconduct and disability. Worse yet, they emboldened themselves and others to commit misconduct and indulge in disability of ever more diverse nature, to a greater extent, more frequently, and of higher gravity. While dismissing and denying for over a decade, they saw their foreseeable prejudice become a fact, whose continued occurrence they intended;

n. deceived potential and actual complainants by pretending that their complaints would be fairly and impartially processed although the judges intended to dismiss 100% of them, thus running the Act’s complaint mechanism as a sham that works fraud on We the People.

B. Action requested

  1. Therefore, we respectfully petition the judicial officers processing this complaint to:
  2. deem and treat this complaint as the public document that it already is; and make it available to the public easily and widely as it progresses through the stages of its processing;
  3. communicate to us and the public the judges’ answers; and afford the opportunity to reply, for it would constitute partiality toward them to take their answers at face value;
  4. in the interest of justice for the complainants and public confidence in judges, make the 478 complaints and their dismissal orders, review petitions, and denials public, and transfer them under Rules 25 and 26 to be processed impartially by DCC-unrelated §353 special commit-tees, whose members need not be judges or lawyers (next) and which can replace the failed mechanism of judges –priests, police officers- judging their peers, colleagues, and friends;
  5. hold fact-finding public hearings on this and all other complaints to ascertain the causes for complaint, which hearings Judge Anthony Scirica, Chair of the Judicial Conduct and Disability Committee, stated at the October 30 hearing on Code and Rules proposed changes are conceivable as part of the Committee’s work; and let independent fact-finders, i.e., news anchors and editors, investigative reporters, and journalism professors(OL2:777¶21c), conduct them to find whether dismissing complaints not matter the nature, extent, frequency, and gravity of the misconduct and disability turned into all judges’ pattern of action that became the Judiciary’s institutionalized policy of misconduct as its modus operandi(OL2:756¶¶9-11);
  6. have independent IT, mail, and phone forensic experts investigate the Judiciary’s interception of its critics’ communications(OL2:781), such as mine by email, mail, phone, my website, PayPal, GoFundMe, LinkedIn, and FB accounts(*>ggl:1); and make their findings public:

Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net , DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org , CorderoRic@yahoo.com , Dr.Richard.Cordero.Esq@gmail.com , Dr.Richard.Cordero.Esq@outlook.com , Dr.Richard.Cordero.JDR@gmail.com , Dr.Richard.Cordero.Esq.JDR@gmail.com;   tel. (718)827-9521

Subscribe for free to
the series of articles of
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org thus:
+ New or Users >Add New

Put your money
where your outrage at abuse
and quest for justice are.

Donate to Judicial Discipline Reform’s
professional research and writing effort
to advance our common interest in exposing
unaccountable judges’ riskless abuse of power;

at the GoFundMe campaign
https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

https://www.linkedin.com/in/dr-richard-cordero-esq-0508ba4b

C. Links to official court statistics on complaints about judges and their analysis

  1. Article on official statistics on complaints about J. Kavanaugh, DCC Chief Judge Merrick Garland, & peers and their analysis using “the math of abuse”: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/retrieve/DrRCordero_JJ_Kavanaugh-Garland_exoneration_policy.pdf
  2. Table of complaints against judges lodged in, and dismissed by, DCC in the 1oct06-30sep17 11-year period: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/retrieve/DrRCordero_table_exonerations_by_ JJ_Kavanaugh-Garland.pdf
  3. Collected official statistics on complaints about federal judges in the 1oct96-30sep17 21-year period: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/retrieve/DrRCordero_collected_statistics_ complaints_v_judges.pdf
  4. Template to be filled out with the complaint statistics on any of the 15 reporting courts: http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/retrieve/DrRCordero_template_table_complaints_v_judges.pdf
  5. Article on statistics and math: neither judges nor clerks read the majority of briefs, disposing of them through ‘dumping forms’: unresearched, unreasoned, arbitrary, and fiat-like orders; http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >OL2:760, 457§D

Dare trigger history!(*>jur:7§5)…and you may enter it.

Sincerely,

s/Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City


The Federal Judiciary’s abuse of power by its judges dismissing complaints about them, which ensures their unaccountability, can be exposed through J. Kavanaugh and his peers’ dismissal of the 478 complaints about them, and your protest against the sham hearing on changes to the judges’ complaint rules and code of conduct

By
Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, Corderoric@yahoo.com

You may share and post this article non-commercially
in its entirety, without any addition, deletion, or modification,
with credit to its author, Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.,
and the link to his website:
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org.

This article is also at:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >OL2:773

 

Dear Deans, Professors, Students and Members of the Media, and Advocates of Honest Judiciaries

I read with interest the articles in The Crimson and those written by others at Yale concerning then-Judge Kavanaugh and the power of law students to cause their deans to take a position on his confirmation, as well as the letters relating to him that more than 2,400 law professors and more than 2,000 Mothers in the Law Profession published in The New York Times(NYT).

This is a proposal for you, your professors and students, the media, and me to join forces, not to revisit the sexual abuse allegations leveled against him, but rather to use his case to insert into the national debate on the evaluation of judicial candidates’ fitness to serve what is more important: their service.

Indeed, the very politicians who put judges in office cannot thereafter turn around and investigate their appointees for lack of integrity and competence, lest they incriminate their own vetting procedures and skills for evaluating character and competence.

To evade their responsibility for exercising constitutional checks and balances on ‘our men and women on the bench’, politicians have delegated to judges authority to self-discipline. In the federal government, they have adopted the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act of 1980 (28 U.S.C. §§351-364; *> jur:2418a).

Thereunder, the only way for anybody to complain about a federal judge is by lodging a complaint in the circuit where the judge serves. There it is processed by precisely his or her peers, colleagues, and friends. They are required to submit the statistics of their processing of those complaints to Congress and the public in the Annual Report of the Director [who is appointed by the Supreme Court chief justice] of the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts (AO; 28 U.S.C. §604(h)(2); jur:2623a).

Those statistics(>OL2:772§G) show that Judge Kavanaugh and his peers dismissed 100% of the 478 complaints about them lodged with their District of Columbia Circuit and reported in the annual official statistics for the 1oct06-30sep17 11-year period(OL2:748). They have abused their self-disciplining authority to grant themselves 100% exoneration from complaints regardless of the complained-about conduct’s nature, extent, and gravity.

Acting only in self-interest, he and his peers have left complainants and the rest of the public at the mercy of complained-about judges and their covering-up peers.

Held by politicians and themselves unaccountable, life-appointed judges, in practice unimpeachable and irremovable(jur:21§a), risklessly abuse(*>OL:154¶3) for their gain and convenience their enormous power over people’s property, liberty, and all the rights and duties that frame their lives.

Their service is incriminated, not by an individual’s allegations and partisan opinions, but by their own non-partisan, verifiable, and official statistics. The latter’s analysis through “the math of abuse” exposes them as Judges Above the Law.

This novel statistics-based approach to judicial service evaluation is the product and distinguishing feature of my study of judges and their judiciaries, titled and downloadable thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering the news and publishing field
of judicial unaccountability reporting
*

Volume 2:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >from OL2:394

Justice Kavanaugh now has the strongest personal motive to prevent any investigation into his and his peers’ abuse of power to secure his and his peers’ 100% exoneration from complaints about them. Such investigation can force the disclosure of the complaints, conveniently kept secret; the detection of patterns and trends of abuse; and the exposure of the organization and execution of, and benefits from, their cover-up.

Nor can Justice Gorsuch, who comes from the 10th Circuit, allow such investigation. There he, who so values camaraderie(>OL2: 546¶¶4-6), and his peers dismissed 99.83% of complaints about themselves(OL2:548).

This explains why the 15 complaints about Judge Kavanaugh lodged in the last month that his peer, Judge Karen Henderson, referred to Chief Justice John Roberts, were in turn referred by him for processing to precisely the 10th Circuit.

The presumption of a whitewash would not be less justified if C.J. Roberts had referred them to the Second Circuit, the former circuit of Justice Sotomayor. While there, she and her peers denied 100%(jur:11) of petitions for review of dismissal of complaints about themselves (jur:65§§1-3). The percentage of complaints dismissed in all the circuits is 99.82%(jur:10, 12-14).

The exposés of Harvey Weinstein’s sexual abuse and its cover-up by VIPs published by NYT and The New Yorker pressured C.J. Roberts into referring for sexual misconduct investigation Former 9th Cir. Chief Judge Alex Kozinski, who then resigned.

The almost 700 letters of complaint about abuse in the Federal Judiciary submitted to the C.J. caused him to admit to abuse therein and to set up a study committee(>OL2:645). Its report has led to proposed changes to the Code of Conduct for U.S. Judges and the Judicial Conduct and Disability Rules for processing complaints.

Only as recently as October 2 did the Administrative Office announce only on its website that the changes will be the subject of only one single hearing at the Thurgood Marshall Federal Judiciary Building in Washington, D.C., rather than at each of the more than 200 federal courts.

How many people can afford to travel to D.C. at all, never mind do so the day before to be ready to testify at 9:00 a.m. on Tuesday, October 30, for only a few minutes?

Any request to be heard must be emailed by October 18 to CodeandConductRules@ao.uscourts.gov; for the first week, a ‘glitch’ prevented AO’s receipt of those emails; http://www.uscourts.gov/news/2018/10/02/judiciary-hold-public-hearing-proposed-changes-judges-code-and-judicial-conduct.

This has been an announcement pro forma about compliance in bad faith with the hearing requirement. It is a sham!

No change to the Code or the Rules will stop judges from dismissing complaints about themselves, just as the changes adopted in 2008 and 2015 did not.

Such dismissal is their institutionalized mechanism for enforcing the complicit agreement through which judges reciprocally ensure their unaccountability for their past abuse and the risklessness of their future abuse. Abuse of power is the modus operandi(OL2:457§D, 760) of Powerful Judges Who Can Do No Wrong.

Students have shown to have the power to draw public attention to abuse. You, law professors and students, and we lawyers have the duty to expose abuse by judges, the ones who run(OL2: 717) our profession and corrupt it by ensuring their impunity.

Your publication of this letter and one or more of my articles(OL2:755, 719§C) and your protest against the sham hearing can launch a generalized media investigation into judges’ abuse of power akin to the one into sexual abuse sparked by NYT’s and The New Yorker’s publication of their exposés. Just days later, the MeToo! movement emerged. It has led to a historic societal transformation from silent sexual abusees to a national public that shouts:

Enough is enough!
We won’t take any abuse by anybody anymore.

That is precedent for the reasonable expectation that if we join forces to expose judges’ abuse of power using J. Kavanaugh’s dismissal of complaints as a test case, we may bring about a historic transformation:

We can insert this issue into the mid-term elections, the national debate, and the presidential campaign; and enable We the People for the first time ever to hold our judicial public servants accountable.

We may expose what will be a national scandal: judges’ interception of their critics’ communications to each other and to others –did you receive my previous ones to you?-, shown by a statistical study and verifiable by IT experts examining computers and servers (See the following article; also at >OL2:775).

Thus, I respectfully request that you publish this letter and call me(*>jur:1) to invite me to make a presentation to you, school members, and media colleagues. Time is of the essence.

Dare trigger history!(*>jur:7§5)…and you may enter it.
* http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf

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I look forward to hearing from you. Kindly send your reply to this block of my email addresses: Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, CorderoRic@yahoo.com.

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org


Exposing government interception of communications of critics of judges as an abuse of power that would cause a national scandal and launch a generalized media investigation into judges’ unaccountability and consequent riskless abuse

By
Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Ph.D., University of Cambridge, England
M.B.A., University of Michigan Business School
D.E.A., La Sorbonne, Paris
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org
Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, Corderoric@yahoo.com

You may share and post this article non-commercially
in its entirety, without any addition, deletion, or modification,
with credit to its author, Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.,
and the link to his website:
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org.

This article is also at:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >OL2:775

A. Statistics as the source of probable cause to believe that there is interception

There is reason to believe that the communications among critics of judges, including Advocates of Honest Judiciaries, and between them and third parties are intercepted, which is prohibited as provided for in the Criminal Code under 18 U.S. §2511(*>OL:5a13).

This is demonstrated through the statistical analysis(>OL:192 >‡>ws:58 §7) of communications(>ggl:1;>OL2:476, 425, 405§§A-C) in my study of judges and their judiciaries, which is titled and downloadable thus:

Exposing Judges’ Unaccountability and
Consequent Riskless Wrongdoing:
Pioneering the news and publishing field
of judicial unaccountability reporting
*

Volume 2:
http://Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org/OL2/DrRCordero-Honest_Jud_Advocates.pdf >from OL2:394

Statistically, people line up in a standard normal distribution, which is a continuum that goes from one extreme of low values to the opposite extreme of high values of the variable in question. This continuum, when graphically plotted on an X,Y system of coordinates produces a bell curve. Most people bunch up on either side of the top –the crown– of the bell. Hence, it is abnormal and a sign of manipulation to see the values for everybody on only one of the two extremes.

Although I email to tens of thousands of email accounts directly and through hundreds of yahoogroups, hardly ever do I receive an email that is positive and encouraging.

Nevertheless, my website (this one at http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org) has 24,700 subscribers and counting; it is built on the most widely used platform in the world, WordPress. When was the last time that you liked what you read on a site so much that you subscribed to it, although you and the rest of us suffer under information overload?

It is counterintuitive for people to subscribe but leave no comment. It is decidedly suspect for the number of subscribers, which had reached an average of 90 a day, with peaks of over 110, to drop to 0 in the space of a week and then pick up to only around 3 a day(OL2:604¶2).

To some emails I receive no reply at all. Practically every reply that I do receive is negative and critical of them. That is counterintuitive in a country as divided as ours, where at one end of the spectrum of everything there are people strongly in favor of it and at the other end people strongly against it. Cf. A rubric of one of the national TV networks, either CBS or NBC, is precisely “A Nation Divided”. Although I have communicated with some Advocates of Honest Judiciaries for years, I do not receive emails from them anymore. People email me, I reply to them with an encouraging message, but then I do not receive any more emails from them.

More than 2,000 Mothers in the Legal Profession and more than 2,400 law professors took out each an ad in The New York Times regarding J. Kavanaugh. I addressed them in the Subject: line of emails that I sent to tens of thousands. Despite that and although I too am a lawyer, and a doctor of law at that, I have not received a single reply from any of them. This is most suspect because we have harmonious interests(>dcc:8¶11; Lsch:14§§2-3). Those protected under the 1st Amendment(>jur:2312b), are “freedom of speech, of the press; the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances”.

Moreover, requests that I make for membership in yahoogroups are approved only for my next posting to them to be rejected because I am told I am not a member.

1. Recent cases showing government interception of communications

The National Security Agency (NSA) engaged in a warrantless, indiscriminate, mass ‘dragnet’ collection of the metadata of communications of scores of millions of unsuspected people(OL2:395§B), as revealed by the secret documents that Edward Snowden leaked.

Former CBS Reporter Sharyl Attkisson has sued the U.S. Department of Justice for $35 million for hacking her personal and work computers to spy on the status of her investigative reporting on the attacks by extremists on the American embassy in Benghazi, Libya, that killed the American ambassador and three of his aides; and the fiasco Fast and Furious gunrunning operation of its Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms, which sold even assault rifles to track their way to Mexican druglords(OL:346¶131) and resulted in one such rifle being used to kill an American border patrol. Her articles were so incriminating that A.G. Eric Holder would respond to congressional demands for documents with entire pages blacked out. He was the first sitting member of the presidential cabinet to be held by Congress in contempt of it. Accordingly, he was forced to resign.

These cases show that the government, of which the judiciary is part, engages in illegal digital activity against those whom it perceives as a threat, such as a persistent investigative reporter, and even those who are suspected of nothing at all, such as those caught in NSA’s surveillance dragnet.

It is the judges of the secret court set up under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) that approve up to 100% of the NSA’s secret request for secret orders of secret surveillance. Do they do so for the quid pro quo of the interception by the NSA of the communications of critics of judges? That is what the proposed Follow it wirelessly! investigation must determine(OL2:600§B).

B. Money and a scandal that focuses the media on judges’ abuse of power

Potentially, there is money to be made by suing the government for breach of constitutional rights and the right to privacy. More realistically, exposing to the national public that judges have abused their power to intercept their critics’ communications and prevent their ‘assembling to petition for redress of judges’ abuse’ would constitute a scandal far greater than that provoked by Snowden’s leak. It would shock America’s conscience and put you and your organization on the frontpage of every publication and at the top of every newscast, and on the list of Pulitzer Prize candidates.

C. What you can do to expose government interception of communications

I respectfully propose that you participate in exposing the interception of the communications of critics of judges by those who have the greatest interest therein: judges themselves. You can:

  1. widely share and post my articles with your address as the reply address to see what kind and number of replies you receive, which you can forward to me under an unrelated Subject: line;
  2. help finance IT experts’ examination of critics’ email accounts and computers, and servers;
  3. help organize presentations(OL:194§G) by me at law, journalism, IT, and business schools, pro se groups, and venture capitalists who may be interested in my business plan(OL2:563).

Consider this proposal in light of these principles of strategic thinking(OL2:445§B, 475§D) and dynamic analysis of harmonious and conflicting interests(OL2:570§E, 475§D, 465§1):

  1. The enemy of my enemy is my friend (we share the interest of defeating our common enemy).
  2. The friend of the friend of my friend may want to become my friend (which speaks to the indirectness of connections and a means of building alliances of result even if not of interests).
  3. People never work as hard as when they work for themselves. (Ask yourself: What interest of her own can the person that I want to persuade to do something advance by joining forces with me? Cf. Some such interests are to make herself and her group or organization known.)

Time is of the essence to insert the issue of unaccountable judges’ abuse in the mid-term elections.

Dare trigger history!(*>jur:7§5)…and you may enter it.

Subscribe for free to these series of articles thus:
+ New or Users >Add New

Put your money
where your outrage at abuse
and quest for justice are.

Donate
to Judicial Discipline Reform’s
professional research and writing effort
to advance our common interest in exposing
unaccountable judges’ riskless abuse of power
at the GoFundMe campaign

https://www.gofundme.com/expose-unaccountable-judges-abuse

I look forward to hearing from you. Kindly send your reply to this block of my email addresses: Dr.Richard.Cordero_Esq@verizon.net, DrRCordero@Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org, CorderoRic@yahoo.com.

Sincerely,

Dr. Richard Cordero, Esq.
Judicial Discipline Reform
New York City
http://www.Judicial-Discipline-Reform.org